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China has been pursuing a strategy to acquire influence in small island nations in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), particularly through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI is a massive infrastructure development project that aims to connect Asia, Europe, and Africa through a network of roads, railways, ports, and other infrastructure projects.

In the IOR, China has been investing in infrastructure projects, such as building ports and airports, in small island nations like Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and Pakistan. These investments have been met with both praise and criticism, with some seeing them as a way to boost economic development and connectivity, while others see them as a way for China to gain strategic footholds in the region and exert greater influence.

Critics have also raised concerns about the sustainability and feasibility of these projects, as well as the potential for debt-trap diplomacy. Additionally, there are concerns that these projects may not serve the best interests of the host countries and could lead to increased dependence on China.

China has also been increasing its presence in the IOR through its naval and coast guard vessels, which have been patrolling the waters and protecting its shipping lanes. This has raised concerns among other countries in the region and around the world, as it may be perceived as a way for China to assert its military and economic power in the region.

Influence in Sri Lanka

China has been increasing its influence in Sri Lanka through a variety of means. One key way has been through infrastructure development projects, particularly those associated with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). These projects include the construction of ports, airports, and highways, and are aimed at boosting economic development and connectivity in Sri Lanka.

One of the most notable infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka is the development of the port of Hambantota, which China has invested in and now operates. This has been met with criticism from some, as the port has been seen as a debt trap for Sri Lanka, and has raised concerns about China’s increasing control over strategically important infrastructure in the country.

China has also been investing in other infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka such as the Colombo International Financial City, and the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport.

Another way China has been increasing its influence in Sri Lanka is through trade and investment. China is one of Sri Lanka’s top trading partners and investors, which has helped to boost the small island nation’s economy.

China has also been increasing its presence in Sri Lanka through its military and coast guard vessels, which have been patrolling the waters around the island nation and protecting its shipping lanes. This has raised concerns among other countries in the region and around the world, as it may be perceived as a way for China to assert its military and economic power in the region.

China’s Debt Trap

There are concerns that China has trapped Sri Lanka in a debt trap through infrastructure development projects, and that this may give China strategic advantages in the IOR, which could threaten India’s security. The Sri Lankan government, however, denies these claims and China has denied the use of debt-trap diplomacy.

One example is the development of the port of Hambantota. In 2010, Sri Lanka agreed to a deal with China to develop the port, which included a loan from China for $361 million. However, the port failed to generate enough revenue to cover the loan payments and Sri Lanka was unable to repay the debt. In 2017, as a result, Sri Lanka was forced to lease the port to China for 99 years to repay the debt.

This has raised concerns that the port, which is located close to India’s southern coast, could be used for military purposes by China, giving it a strategic advantage in the IOR and potentially threatening India’s security.

Another example is the Colombo International Financial City and the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, which were built with Chinese loans but have also failed to generate enough revenue to repay the debt.

Critics argue that this is a pattern of “debt-trap diplomacy” by China, in which it provides loans for infrastructure projects to developing countries, and then, when those countries are unable to repay the debt, uses that as leverage to gain control over strategically important assets.

It is worth noting that Sri Lanka has denied that this is the case and that it has not fallen into a debt trap. Furthermore, China has denied using debt-trap diplomacy, stating that the projects were agreed upon mutually and that the loans were offered on commercial terms.

India’s concerns over Chinese influence

India has expressed concerns over China’s increasing influence in Sri Lanka, particularly in the areas of infrastructure development and military presence.

One of the main concerns is the Hambantota port, which India sees as a potential military threat as it is located close to India’s southern coast. India fears that China may use the port for military purposes.

India has also been concerned about the Colombo International Financial City and the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, as it sees these projects as a way for China to gain greater economic and strategic control over Sri Lanka.

India is also worried about China’s growing military presence in Sri Lanka, as Chinese naval and coast guard vessels have been increasingly patrolling the waters around the island nation. This has raised concerns that China may be seeking to assert its military and economic power in the region.

India has responded to Chinese influence in Sri Lanka by increasing its own engagement with the island nation, through economic and development assistance, and by strengthening its own military presence in the IOR.

Chinese submarine visits to Sri Lanka

India has expressed concerns over the increasing frequency of Chinese submarine visits to Sri Lanka. These visits, which have occurred several times in recent years, are seen as a potential threat to India’s security and strategic interests in the IOR.

One concern is that these submarine visits could give China a military advantage in the region, as submarines are equipped with advanced stealth technology and can be used for a variety of purposes, including reconnaissance, intelligence gathering, and power projection.

Another concern is that these visits could be part of a larger strategy by China to establish a foothold in the IOR.

India has also raised concerns about the potential for these submarine visits to be used for espionage or sabotage, as submarines are able to operate covertly and can access sensitive areas undetected.

In response to these concerns, India has also been building stronger ties with other countries in the region, such as the United States, Japan, and Australia, to counterbalance China’s growing influence.

Chinese spy ship visit to Sri Lanka

India has expressed concerns over Chinese spy ship visits to Sri Lanka, as these ships are equipped with advanced surveillance technology and can be used for intelligence gathering and monitoring activities in the IOR.

India is worried that these visits could be used to gather intelligence on India’s naval movements and military capabilities, as well as on its economic and political activities in the region. The Indian government is also concerned that these visits could be used to interfere with its trade and energy security in the region.

India is also worried about the potential for these spy ships to support the Chinese naval presence in the Indian Ocean, which could be used to assert China’s military and strategic interests in the region.

Chinese military aid to Sri Lanka

China has provided military aid to Sri Lanka in the form of equipment, training, and technical assistance. This aid has been provided to help Sri Lanka improve its defense capabilities and maintain internal security.

China has provided a range of military equipment to Sri Lanka, such as artillery, small arms, and naval vessels. It has also provided training and technical assistance to Sri Lankan military personnel in areas such as counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and maritime security.

China’s military aid to Sri Lanka has been met with both praise and criticism. Some have welcomed it as a way to help Sri Lanka improve its defence capabilities and maintain internal security, while others have criticized it as a way for China to gain strategic footholds in the region and exert greater influence.

Critics have also raised concerns about the sustainability and feasibility of this aid, as well as the potential for it to be used to support human rights abuses by Sri Lankan government.

Indian military aid to Sri Lanka

India has provided military aid to Sri Lanka in the form of equipment, training, and technical assistance, which has been motivated by its desire to promote stability in the region and to counterbalance the influence of other countries. The aid has been met with mixed reactions, with some seeing it as a way to help Sri Lanka improve its defence capabilities and maintain internal security, while others view it as a way for India to exert greater influence in the region.

India has provided a range of military equipment to Sri Lanka, such as artillery, small arms, and naval vessels. It has also provided training and technical assistance to Sri Lankan military personnel in areas such as counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and maritime security. Some of the prominent items of military aid have been:

Small arms and ammunition. India has provided small arms such as rifles and pistols, as well as ammunition to Sri Lanka to help improve its defense capabilities.

Artillery. India has provided artillery equipment, such as howitzers and mortars, to Sri Lanka to help improve its artillery capabilities.

Naval vessels. India has provided naval vessels, such as patrol boats and fast attack craft, to Sri Lanka to help improve its maritime security capabilities.

Radars and surveillance equipment. India has provided radars and other surveillance equipment to Sri Lanka to help improve its coastal and maritime surveillance capabilities.

Training and technical assistance. India has provided training and technical assistance to Sri Lankan military personnel in areas such as counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and maritime security.

India has also been concerned about the potential for terrorism and extremism in Sri Lanka, and has provided aid to help Sri Lanka combat these threats.

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Maj Gen Deepak Mehta

A Chinese ship able to track ballistic missiles and satellites headed for Sri Lanka’s Hambantota port, in early August, raising security concerns in India. The move coincided with the Chinese build-up off Taiwan coast that started with US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit.

After first denying reports of its expected arrival at Hambantota port, Sri Lanka’s defence ministry confirmed, on 6 August, that Yuan Wang 5, which can track satellites and intercontinental ballistic missiles, would be docking at the port between 11 and 17 August.

Under pressure from the Indian government, the Sri Lankan government asked the Chinese government to defer the visit of its space-satellite tracker ship Yuan Wang 5 at Hambantota port “until further consultations” were made between the two governments. It was finally cleared to enter port on 12 August. It finally docked on 16 August and left on 22 August.

India has stood shoulder to shoulder with Sri Lanka to tide over the present economic crisis faced by the island nation and has given more than $3.5 billion in aid in terms of petrol, diesel, natural gas, foodstuffs, and medicine.

Yuan Wang 5 was also potentially violating innocent passage requirements in territorial seas as per UNCLOS. The vessel has a capability to snoop on a coastal state. By tracking Indian ballistic missile tests, China will be able to glean information on the performance of missiles and their exact range. The ship is controlled by the China National Space Administration but has very significant military applications.

The Sri Lankan government maintained that that they would allow the ship to dock since it was a non-nuclear platform but were aware of India’s concerns.

Hambabtota May Become Chinese Base

India remains suspicious of China’s growing influence in Sri Lanka, which owes large amounts of money to Beijing for infrastructure projects, including the $1.4-billion Hambantota Port. Sri Lanka defaulted on its $51 billion in foreign debts in April and has since opened bailout talks with the International Monetary Fund.

Sri Lanka gave a Chinese company a 99-year lease on the port, located along the main East-West international shipping lanes, in 2017 after being unable to keep up with debt repayments on the facility.

Sri Lanka formally handed over commercial activities in its main southern port to a Chinese company in 2017 on a 99-year lease after struggling to repay its debt. The port is near the main shipping route from Asia to Europe.

US and Indian officials have been concerned that the $1.5 billion port could become a Chinese military base.

In 2014, a Chinese submarine had docked at Hambantota Port, sparking security concerns for the Indian Navy. No such Chinese submarine visits to Lankan ports took place since.

About the Chinese Spy Ship

Yuan Wang 5 is the third generation tracking ship of the Yuan Wang series, and entered service in 2007. Built by Jiangnan Shipyard, Yuan Wang 5 has a displacement of 25,000 tonnes and can withstand wind scale up to 12. The Yuan Wang class is not a single class of identical design, but instead, a group of different designs grouped under the same series that share one name.

The ship with a crew of 400, was equipped with a large parabolic tracking antenna and various sensors.

Military Implications

The military and strategic implications of Chinese spy ship ‘Yuan Wang 5’ in the Indian Ocean Region are manifold and will have major consequences for the Indian security architecture. The ship has a distinct role in missile and satellite tracking.

The aerial reach of the ship is more than 750 km and that would indirectly mean that Kalpakkam, Koodankulam, and the atomic research centre within Indian borders can be snooped upon. The ship can track ports of Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh. As many as six South Indian ports will be under China’s focus and the ship can gather information about vital installations along Southern India.

India’s concerns over Chinese influence in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka has welcomed Chinese investments. China is one of Sri Lanka’s biggest lenders and has also funded airports, roads and railways, unsettling India.

As Sri Lanka now battles its worst economic crisis in seven decades, India this year alone has provided it financial support.

The Indian Ocean Region has been an area of traditional influence for New Delhi and an area where New Delhi has legitimate strategic interests. The Chinese have been trying to make inroads from Myanmar to Eastern Africa.

Since it came to light that a Chinese military vessel, the Yuan Wang 5, was to call at Hambantota Port, India had been pressing its grave concern over this to Colombo. After a tense week of negotiations between the two South Asian neighbours, Sri Lanka told the Chinese that the visit of the ship “be deferred until further consultations are made on this matter”.

A Chinese vessel of its surveillance reach has never before sailed in the waters that Yuan Wang wishes to access. The Sri Lankan attempt to pass it off as a “research vessel” on an innocuous refuelling stop was either naive or disingenuous, but in either case, self-defeating.

This was the second time in 19 months that Colombo tried to make light of India’s security concerns on account of the Chinese presence in Sri Lanka. Last January, the Sri Lankan government awarded a renewable energy project on three islands close to the Tamil Nadu coastline, to a Chinese firm. It took much diplomatic energy on India’s part, and a commitment to develop the same project through a grant, to have that decision reversed.

Instability in any country in the region, whether that is Sri Lanka, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan or Afghanistan, tends to impact India adversely and in unexpected ways. The Chinese ship apparently got its clearance from the foreign ministry on July 12. This was a time of political vacuum in Sri Lanka. It may have been an attempt at political sabotage.

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Indian Navy (IN) Ships including indigenously built ASW corvette Kamorta and missile corvette Karmuk participated in the 2nd edition of India, Singapore and Thailand Trilateral Maritime Exercise (SITMEX-20), from 21 to 22 November 20 in the Andaman Sea.

The first edition of SITMEX, hosted by Indian Navy, was conducted off Port Blair in September 2019. The SITMEX series of exercises are conducted to enhance mutual inter-operability and imbibing best practices between IN, Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN) and Royal Thai Navy (RTN). The 2020 edition of the exercise was being hosted by RSN.

RSN is was represented by the ‘Formidable’ Class frigate ‘Intrepid’ and ‘Endurance’ Class Landing Ship Tank ‘Endeavour’ and  RTN by the ‘Chao Phraya’ Class frigate ‘Kraburi’ in the exercise.

The exercise was conducted as a ‘non-contact, at sea only’ exercise in view of COVID-19 pandemic. It highlighted growing synergy, coordination and cooperation in the maritime domain between the three friendly navies and maritime neighbours. The two days of maritime drills witnessed the three navies participating in a variety of exercises including naval manoeuvres, surface warfare exercises and weapon firings.

Besides improving inter-operability between the friendly navies, SITMEX series of exercise also aims to strengthen mutual confidence and develop common understanding and procedures towards enhancing the overall maritime security in the region.

Indian & Singapore Navy SIMBEX-20

The Indian Navy hosted the 27th edition of India-Singapore Bilateral Maritime Exercise (SIMBEX-20) from 23 to 25 November 2020 in the Andaman Sea.

The SIMBEX series of exercises between IN and Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN), being conducted since 1994, are aimed at enhancing mutual inter-operability and imbibing best practices from each other. The scope and complexity of these exercises has increased steadily over the past two decades to include advanced naval drills covering a wide spectrum of maritime operations.

The 2020 edition of SIMBEX witnessed participation by Indian Navy ships including destroyer Rana with integral Chetak helicopter and indigenously built corvettes Kamorta and Karmuk. In addition, IN submarine Sindhuraj and P8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft also participated in the exercise.

RSN was represented by the ‘Formidable’ Class frigates ‘Intrepid’ and ‘Steadfast’ with integral S70B helicopter and ‘Endurance’ Class Landing Ship Tank ‘Endeavour’ in the exercise.

The exercise, was conducted as a ‘non-contact, at sea only’ exercise in view of COVID-19 pandemic. It highlighted the high degree of mutual trust and confidence, synergy and cooperation in the maritime domain between the two friendly navies and maritime neighbours. SIMBEX-20 also witnessed the two friendly navies participating in advanced surface, anti-air warfare and anti-submarine warfare exercises including weapon firings, over three days of intensive joint operations at sea.

Indian & Sri Lankan Navy SLINEX-20

The eighth edition of the annual Indian Navy (IN) – Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) bilateral maritime exercise SLINEX-20 was conducted off Trincomalee, Sri Lanka from October 19 to 21, in a show of growing congruence in their strategic interests and operational convergence in the region.

The Sri Lanka Navy was represented by SLN Ships Sayura (Offshore Patrol Vessel) and Gajabahu (Training Ship) led by Rear Admiral Bandara Jayathilaka, the Flag Officer Commanding Naval Fleet, Sri Lanka Navy. Indigenously built ASW corvettes Kamorta and Kiltan under the command of Rear Admiral Sanjay Vatsayan, Flag Officer Commanding Eastern Fleet, represented the Indian Navy. In addition, Indian Navy Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH) and Chetak helicopter embarked onboard IN ships and Dornier Maritime Patrol Aircraft also participated.

The previous edition of SLINEX was conducted off Visakhapatnam in September 2019.

SLINEX-20 aimed to enhance inter-operability, improve mutual understanding and exchange best practices and procedures for multi-faceted maritime operations between both navies. In addition, the exercise also showcased capabilities of India’s indigenously constructed naval ships and aircraft. Surface and anti-air exercises including weapon firing, seamanship evolutions, manoeuvres and cross-deck flying operations were carried out during the exercise, which further enhanced the high degree of inter-operability already established between the two friendly navies.

Synergy developed during SLINEX exercises resulted in seamless coordination of joint SLN – IN efforts in September 2020 to render assistance to MT New Diamond, a Very Large Crude Carrier (VLCC), which had caught fire off the East Coast of Sri Lanka.

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According to the dossier, the PFI had been actively operating through its various front affiliations such as Rehab Foundation, the Indian Social Forum and Indian Fraternity Forum. These organisations are suspected of propagating Islamic fundamentalism and have known to have raised funds in Dubai to be sent to PFI in India.

“The Indian Fraternity Forum in Bahrain, UAE, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia is also involved in raising funds for it” it was stated in the dossier.

A newspaper quoted a government official involved, who alleged that “Senior PFI leaders visit these countries and urge members to facilitate in jobs to Indian Muslims so that the base of the organisation expands along with the funds flow”. The dossier concluded a large network has been established by the PFI “with at least 80,000 cadres and a presence in 24 Indian states.”

Since the arrest of 25 PFI members by the UP police, on 19 December 2019, for their active role in stirring violence in anti-CAA protests, a call for a ban on the organization has been initiated.

In another case, the Lisari Gate police in Meerut arrested Anees Khalifa, a PFI member. He was accused for inciting violence during the anti-CAA protests in UP on 20 December 2019.Anees Khalifa was arrested for opening fire on the police and for supplying weapons and ammunition to the participants of the protest.

The Union Law Minister, Ravi Shankar Prasad, claimed the possibility of active presence of PFI in the violence surrounding the anti-CAA protests and said that his ministry would consider taking action against the organisation based on evidence. He also highlighted the links between the PFI and the banned Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Mohsin Raza, UP Minister of state for minority welfare also released a statement accusing PFI of misleading the Muslim youths and for spreading Islamic radicalisation in India. He, too, refereed to PFI as a “front for SIMI” and claimed that the organisation “received its funding from Pakistan’s intelligence wing ISI”.

With the tumultuous situation in UP after the declaration of CAA, the UP government sought a ban on PFI with the home ministry. This was followed by the governments of Assam and Karnataka as well. Delhi’s Lt Governor Anil Baijal permitted the Delhi Police to detain people under the NSA (National Security Act, 1980) from 19 January 2020 to April 18, 2020. The National Executive Council of PFI condemned his order to impose National Security Act (NSA) in Delhi, calling it a “draconian law” which “legalizes denial of Constitutional rights in the name of national security”. PFI claimed the order to be a desperate action to contain the anti-CAA protests in areas such as Jamia Millia Islamia, Jama Masjid, Shaheen Bagh and Jantar Mantar.

PFI and its functionaries are infamously known for their extremist and militant activities based on the narrative of Islam. They openly profess their purpose is to “Establish an egalitarian society in which freedom and justice is enjoyed by all”. The mission statement itself raises many questions about the PFI, given that they are inhibitors of anti-CAA protests, where the slogans of “Azadi, Bharat tere tukde honge” and the threats of “raktabhan kataaron se katana” for those who oppose them, has proved to be in contradiction to its own claimed purpose.

Affiliations and Network

Since its formation, the goal of the front was clear – to exercise inordinate influence using the channel of human rights movements and protests by aligning itself with civil rights groups and various minority groups to gain the popular demographic acknowledgment.

The organisation has freely advocated its anti-Imperialist and anti-Zionist ideologies, which were seen in the pro-Palestine protests in various parts of the country in November 2012. Later, in 2014, they fashioned the campaign “I am Gaza.” In 2015, the Popular Front also protested against the capital punishment given to an elected leader, Mohamed Morsi and his followers in front of the Egyptian embassy in New Delhi. It is evident that the PFI has aspired to gain networks and influence nationally and internationally with the several campaigns and activities it has undertaken and which are not limited to Indian matters.

Through its founder E. Abubacker, PFI has managed to build a pan-India network. He was the founder President of Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), Founder Chairman of National Development Front (NDF), part of the All India Milli Council (2005), State President for Students Islamic Movement of India (1982), founding Member of All India Muslim Personal Law Board and Managing Editor for Thejas Daily newspaper and India Next Hindi magazine.

The organization was born as a successor to the NDF in 2006 in Kerala. It strengthened its multi-state dimensional influence by merging with Manitha Neethi Pasarai, Karnataka Forum for Dignity and many other similar ideology-based organisations. Retired Lt Gen PC Katoch has pointed out the existing link between the PFI and Pakistan’s ISI network. In his article “PFI to The Fore”, he highlighted the Assam riots in 2012, which were triggered due to the hate campaign launched in South India against the people of the North East. The happening was linked to the affiliates of Manita Neeti Pasaraj and Karnataka Forum for Dignity. There was a large exchange of messages, which were also uploaded from Pakistan simultaneously.

By 2009, it merged with Goa’s Citizen’s Forum, Rajasthan’s Community Social and Educational Society, West Bengal’s Nagarik Adhikar Suraksha Samiti, Manipur’s Lilong Social Forum and Andhra Pradesh’s Association of Social Justice. PFI has built a network of sister affiliations such as Rehab India Foundation, Indian Fraternity Forum, Confederation of Muslim Institutions in India, Muslim Relief Network (MRN) and Sathya Sarini. These auxiliary branches operate as the front groups, which collect the funds internationally. The group, while maintaining its image as a non-profit organisation, also claimed to have strong ties with the National Confederation of Human Rights Organisations.

Along similar lines as Mishra Commission (National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities), PFI claims it addresses the discrimination and the inequality faced by Muslims in India. In the past, PFI has conducted many protests against the use of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act [UAPA] to detain citizens they considered innocent.

Apart from the internal radicalisation permeating from areas of the south, the growing influence of ISIS, AL Qaeda and ISI-LeT must also be monitored in Malidives and Sri Lanka, given its close proximity to India and the ties these groups share with PFI.

Connection with Khalistanis

PFI’s deep connection and vested interest in forming a Sikh- Muslim communal alliance is now being reflected in the call for Khalistani Referendum 2020.

The Front (along with its Khalistani alliance partner) has jointly acted on matters such as the Anti-Sikh riots in 1982 and Babri Masjid demolition of 1992. There has been a symbiotic relation of the PFI-Sikh alliance which has been also seen post the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) and post CAA promulgation. With the anti-CAA protests erupting in the country, the call for Khalistan referendum 2020 has also simultaneously been pushed at the precise moment. Various online applications have found their way into Google store such as Punjab Referendum 2020, Register to Vote 2020 Khalistan and Justice for Sikhs. What is intriguing is that the timing of the launch of the applications coincides with the civil unrest conducted by the anti-CAA lobbies in which the PFI is involved. Also to be noted, the apps on registration provides a strict warning to the applicant, dissuading the registration if the person is a part of the NIA, RAW, CBI or any other Intelligence Agency of India.

Regardless of the Muslim-Khalistani alliance promoted by the PFI, it is intriguing to note how two communal groups would commence parallel plays at the specific time when the country faces turmoil in face of violent anti-CAA protests.

Past Anti-National Activities

Apart from the reputation the PFI tries to maintain, it has been accused of various notorious, anarchist and anti-national activities. Since its inception it is has been accused of having links with certain Islamic terror outfits, possessing arms, running kidnapping rackets, murders, promoting Love Jihad, funding and organising riots against the government, promotion of hate speech against the non-Muslims and for various other religious extremist activities. The PFI is well known for running Da`wa centres as well, which focuson the forced conversions of non-Muslims to Islam as reported by the NIA. It is believed to have a strong connection with Sathya Sarini in Malapurram, which has been carrying the “forced conversions.”

In 2010, the members of the Front were linked with the brutal assault on Prof. TJ Joseph, who published a controversial paper, supposedly insulting the Prophet Muhammad. The charges were denied by the organisation, which further claimed to be fabricated as a ploy to malign the name of the organisation.

The Front has centres which ply as efficient cogs in a “well-oiled machinery”, consisting of squads, experts in bomb makings and IEDS and intelligence units. These centres are known to provide martial arts training to its members and to also conduct special training in indoctrination.

In 2012, the Government of Kerala in its argument to ban PFI`s Independence Day programme “Freedom Parade” notified the KeralaHigh Court that PFI was “a resurrection of the banned outfit Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) in another form.” Even though the High Court dismissed the Government’s stand, the ban was imposed by the State Government. In July 2010, the Kerala Police had recovered improvised explosive devices (IED), arms, CDs and documents containing Taliban and Al-Qaeda propagandafrom PFI activists. PFI, in its defence, regarded these raids by the police as “undemocratic” and “unconstitutional.” However, in raids conducted by the Kerala police on the PFI centres in North Kerala in April 2013, the police seized “lethal weapons, foreign currency, human shooting targets, bombs, explosive raw materials, gunpowder, swords, among other things”. The Kerala Police believed that the recovered evidence would be sufficient to unmask the “terror face” of the PFI.

Based on the reports shared by Intelligence agencies, PFI was involved in the 2011 Mumbai bombings, 2012 Pune bombings and 2013 Hyderabad blasts. These claims have been denied by the PFI.

In a video release of a PFI representative in an anti-CAA gathering in Calicut, the leader of the Front was heard saying “we will decide whether there should be peace in India or not.”

Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI),a political wing of the PFI has already garnered a significant following in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. On the basis of the PFI’s campaign to provide “total empowerment” for Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis and other Hindu Backward classes, many organisations such as the Bhim Army have extended support to PFI.

While several law enforcement, intelligence agencies and state governments are in unison about the proscription of the PFI, the counter threats have come from Asom United Democratic Front (AUDF), Maulana Badruddin Ajmal, who have declared solidarity with the PFI. It is not surprising that many smaller groups and PFI affiliations have acted in solidarity with the PFI, condemning any action taken by the government to limit their propaganda.

With the cyber and psychological war waged against India by ISI and its coordinated affiliates, it is surprising that the call to ban PFI had not come sooner. The cadre strength of the PFI has not been precisely determined but it is certain that it is expanding. South India has become a hot bed for terror infestations from the land and sea borders.

India must deal firmly with PFI and it’s affiliates with a heavy hand and proscribe the organisation as a terror outfit, given the accelerated growth of a pan-India PFI and its affiliates. It seems to be part of a sinister programme of destabilisation in India and is trying to rope in all disgruntled elements within the Leftists, Khalistanis and Dalits to create a coalition of anti-national forces.

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