The Popular Front of India (PFI) was registered at Delhi under the Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860 with the purpose to establish a classless society in which freedom, justice and security are enjoyed by all. The PFI has its headquarters in New Delhi, is present in almost 23 states and is prominently active in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Assam, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.

The organisation was using passive methods to attain larger goals and objectives which run against India’s social fabric. It was found to be involved in several transnational terror activities and many social and political conflicts in India.

PFI members were exposed as ‘ISIS sympathiser’ on Facebook and linked with Harkat Ul Jihad al- Islami, Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and Al Qaeda.

The PFI was regarded as a reincarnation of the National Development Front (NDF) set up in 1994 in Kerala. In 2006, the NDF was dissolved and re-emerged with the name of PFI, presumably to focus on socio-economic issues ailing minorities – in particular the Kerala-based Muslim community.

The PFI is not just a reincarnation of the NDF – instead there exist multiple shells of organisations within organisations out of which the PFI has emerged.

In 1948 the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) came into existence. The IUML is a political party in Kerala, recognised by the Election Commission of India, which later became the leading party as a part of the United Democratic Front (UDF) led by the Indian National Congress in Kerala since the 1970s.

Next came in line was the Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS) established in the state of Kerala in 1992 so as to counter the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – which was also a pan-Islamic movement in nature claiming to be superficially working for the welfare of minorities.  

However, the ISS came into limelight during the Babri Mosque demolition in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, in the year 1992. It was eventually banned by the government of India. It was discovered that ISS leaders had connections with the ISI in Pakistan. 

As the government proscribed the ISS, it made way for another organisation called the National Development Front established in 1994 in Kerala and intending to focus on socio-economic issues of minorities, especially on Muslim communities in Kerala. NDF’s modus operandi is Da’wa – which means it is missionary in nature, propagating Islam to other communities as well.

The NDF came into limelight only after some among the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) started getting noticed for their extremist jihadi activities and for their call for the liberation and Islamic conversion of India.

One of the members of the SIMI, Prof. P. Koya, began to attend mosque prayers and sponsor post prayer gatherings interactions with the Jamaat-e-Islami in Kerala. He formed another group called the National Democratic Front (NDF). 

After the SIMI was banned in 2001 (after 9/11), the NDF reincarnated itself as the Popular Front of India in 2006.

Interestingly the PFI’s preamble also mentioned that it worked towards socio-economic, cultural and political empowerment of the deprived. Its goals included working for the welfare of Dalits; tribal peoples; religious, the linguistic and cultural minorities; backward classes and women. With these objectives, the PFI justified its existence under the Societies Registration Act (PFI, Constitution).

The PFI’s Modus Operandi

Even though the organisation came into existence aiming for Muslim empowerment, the PFI’s modus-operandi has been to showcase the Muslim agenda as a side show. Instead they kept the issues of vulnerable societies (Women, labours, farmers, Dalits, Adivasi) at the forefront. 

This provided them with the cover of a charitable organisation working for the welfare of minorities and the weaker sections of the society. This was meant to fool the government.

Security agencies alleged that the SIMI ideology influenced its leaders. The PFI’s ultimate goal was to replace the democratic system of India with an Islamic State styled government. The PFI, which calls India its enemy and asks for ‘total Muslim empowerment’, was under scanner in Kerala for its alleged anti-India ideology.

The PFI ran projects like ‘School Chalo’ to encourage education for all up to the secondary level, as well as the ‘Sarva Siksha Gram’ and ‘Adopt a students’ campaigns. These campaigns and projects not only provided them legitimacy to function openly but also provided them cover over their actual missionary work. The PFI’s members believed that India was a democratic country. The doctrine was that slowly they (government of India) were reaching for their necks because of (political and social reasons). PFI members believed that if their rights were breached, then they would be left with no choice but to react – and their holy text provided for a jihad, which they would not be reluctant to utilise and justify their acts. 

PFI maintained the image of a charitable organisation and worked for the ultimate goal establishing an Islamic state by converting and spreading fear through terror acts.

The organisation very ingeniously used one of the features of its preamble on the Dalit and Tribal upliftment and protection of their political rights. This helped the PFI to gain the support of the Bhim Army led by Chandrashekhar Azad, which worked for Dalit Welfare and who also joined the anti-CAA and NRC protests.

The PFI pursued a strategy aimed at communalising Indian polity (Jain, 2017), enforcing Islam, heightening existing social divisions and maintaining a trained bank of volunteers for carrying out actions in the field.

The “PFI had consistently been indulging in actions detrimental to overall national security,” the NIA declared while blaming the outfit for seeking to impose religious orthodoxy on Muslims and using sister outfits like the Sathya Sarani based in Malappuram so as to carry out “forceful conversions” (Jain, 2017).

The outfit seeks the opportunity to enforce religious obscurantism on Muslims and uses its sister organisation Sathya Sarani to perform “forceful conversions” (Gupta, 2020). The PFI has been linked with alleged cases of love jihad in Kerala. In 2017, the NIA, which was then investigating 94 ‘love jihad’ cases registered by the Kerala Police, held four PFI-linked men for forced conversion of Akhila Ashokan in the Hadiya case (Swamy, 2019).

Even though the PFI does not have faith in the constitution of India or its judicial system, its members did not hesitate to use some constitutional powers for their benefit. The PFI believed that the constitution gave them the right to protest. And if the government of India seized such rights, they would be left with no choice but to turn to jihad. In truth, the organisation neither has a true understanding of Islam nor respects the Indian democratic system.

The group also sponsors pronouncedly anti-Zionist and pro-Palestine protests in various parts of country. In July 2014, they started a campaign with nationwide solidarity in favour of Palestinians. The campaign was called “I am Gaza” and was inspired by a series of rallies that took place in several parts of the world (YouTube, 2014).

Cadres of the banned outfit SIMI fast regrouped under the banner of the PFI. This outfit has expanded its tentacles to the north after carrying out the initial recruitment in South India. The spreading tentacles of the PFI and Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the political wing of the PFI, came to light only when its members became influenced by the taqreer (speeches) of Zakir Naik.

Previously, the members of Kerala-based PFI were arrested on charges of instigating violence in UP, Assam. It was also accused of fanning flames in Karnataka (Swamy, 2019) against North-Eastern peoples, resulting in a mass exodus.

The Popular Front of India protested across the country against the CAA, NRC, and NPR. Its epicentre is located in Shaheen Bagh, New Delhi. It successfully exploited the sense of insecurity created within the Muslim community through various policies and misled the people massively through distorted narratives.

Soon after a few members of the PFI were arrested in connection to the Jafarabad riots, it was found by the Enforcement Directorate that the PFI was receiving funding from various sources.

In 2012 PFI members organised a march to parliament, demanding 10 per cent reserved seats for Muslims (Staff Reporter, 2012). The reasons given in favour of the reservation were as follows:

1) the Constitutional Right of the individual to seek equal opportunity for self-growth and

2) the fight against the backwardness of the Muslim community (confirmed through a quoted minute of a high-level government committee meeting).

In 2012, the PFI launched a promotional campaign ‘why the Popular Front of India?’ where it reiterated upon its mission to restore the rights of the depressed and marginalised sections of the Indian society (Staff Reporter, 2012).

The Intelligence Bureau (IB) has found that some radical organisations, including the Kerala-based PFI, made efforts to send messages to countries in West Asia about the ongoing updating of the NRC (Ranjan, 2017).

Linkages with Terror Outfits and Transnational Activities

Since its inception, PFI’s linkages were found in numerous cases under various sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), the Arms Act and the Explosives Act. While it had a strong foothold in Kerala, the PFI has expanded across the country and included similar-minded groups into their fold such as the Tamil Nadu-based Manitha Neethu Pasarai and the Karnataka Forum for Dignity, among others.

In India, the PFI has been suspected of being involved in several political killings and religious conversions.

The investigation agency also claimed that the PFI and its members had been involved in sending the youth of Kerala to Afghanistan, Syria, and Turkey so as to join Daesh and ISIS. 

On March 25, 2020, in Gurudwara Har Rai Sahib in Kabul, Afghanistan, an attack took place, killing 25 people and injuring approximately 80 more. One of the suicide bombers in the Gurudwara attack was a 29-year-old man called Muhammad Mushin – alias ‘Abu Khalid Al- Hindi’. He was from Kerala, and an active member of the PFI. The Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP) took the responsibility and shared the image of the Kerala boy in their magazine Al Naba – whose caption stated that ‘he avenged the atrocities on the Muslims in India’.

The PFI’s role has been established in the Easter bombing case. PFI’s actions were also found in the Pune German Bakery case – support was provided to the Indian unit of the LeT.

The NIA busted an Islamic State (IS) module in Kerala and Tamil Nadu which was allegedly planning to carry out major strikes in several parts of south India; the probe revealed that one of the module’s senior members — Mujeeb alias Omar Al Hindi– was associated with the PFI and inclined towards the ideology of the so-called ‘caliphate’ led by Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi. 

Financing of the PFI

The financing of the PFI was mostly achieved through its membership schemes and also through a donation from individuals in the name of Zakat, which is one of the five main pillars of Islam.

PFI members travelled to the Gulf and Saudi Arabia for fundraising. Also, people living in the Southern part of India and enjoying Gulf connections due to their family working in that region also came back for festivals and made large donations. Several people in Iran and the Middle East also sent donations.

These donations mostly came in the name of social welfare – sometimes for girl child education, mosque construction or madrasa (religious school) establishments. However, they were used for unethical activities. Several such organisations and societies had their licence cancelled under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) after being found to be involved in certain illegal activities.

The Muslim Relief Network (MRN), an NGO started by the PFI, was another entity through which it organised funds – particularly from West Asia – in return for raising voices for the Palestine cause and pressure Indian government.

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In the largest terror operation of its kind, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) carried out wide nationwide searches, on 22 September, at the premises of people involved in terror-related activities. Nearly 100 people, including top leaders of the Popular Front of India (PFI), have been arrested following midnight raids.

The searches were carried out by the NIA and Enforcement Directorate (ED) at several locations across 13 states including Bihar, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, and Telangana.

Searches were conducted in the residential and official premises of people involved in terror funding, organizing training camps, and radicalizing people to join proscribed organizations.

The maximum number of arrests were made in Kerala (22) followed by Maharashtra and Karnataka (20 each), Andhra Pradesh (5), Assam (9), Delhi (3), Madhya Pradesh (4), Puducherry (3), Tamil Nadu (10), Uttar Pradesh (8) and Rajasthan (2).

39 locations were raided in Kerala. Searches were also conducted at one location in each in Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Manipur.

Director general of the NIA supervised the operation which included around 300 officers.

Chargesheet Filed

The NIA has earlier investigated over a dozen cases linked to PFI in which 355 persons have been charge-sheeted and 46 convicted.

According to the charge sheet filed by the ED, PFI has formed District Executive Committee in UAE, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and other places to raise funds. Targets are given to individuals to collect cash and transfer the same through Hawala or camouflaged as genuine business transactions.

Shocking revelation of the Popular Front of India (PFI) planned to liquidate several RSS-BJP leaders came to light when Special Investigation Team arrested PFI activist Sirajjuddin on September 17 in connection with the brutal murder of RSS leader Srinivasan on April 16. A list of 12 RSS-BJP leaders to be assassinated from Malappuram was seized from him. Several incriminating documents were also seized from him, a Malappuram native.

The ED, during the investigation, analyzed more than 600 domestic contributors and their bank accounts and also looked at accounts of more than 2,600 beneficiaries. The agency has found that many of these accounts were bogus and people on the ground were not found during physical verification, the agency stated.

Second Round of Raids

The second round of searches was carried out at 93 locations in 15 states, including Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Delhi, Assam, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Goa, West Bengal, Bihar and Manipur. Earlier in September, the NIA had raided 38 locations in Telangana and two in Andhra Pradesh and seized digital devices, documents, weapons, and cash.

Meanwhile, PFI members staged protests in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka against the arrests.

Ban on PFI

The Centre declared the PFI and its associates or affiliates and fronts as an ‘unlawful association’ under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). A ban has also been imposed on these outfits for five years.

According to a government notification issued 27 September, PFI and its associates or affiliates and fronts have been indulging in unlawful activities that are prejudicial to the integrity, sovereignty and security of the country. It further added that these organisations have the potential to disturb public peace and communal harmony of the country and support militancy.

The notification added that though the PFI had been operating openly as a socio-economic, educational and political organisation, it has been pursuing a secret agenda to radicalise a particular section of society, thereby undermining the constitution.

The order said there have been instances where the PFI members were found to have links with terrorist groups. Some of its members have even joined ISIS and participated in terror activities in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan.

The Rise and Fall of PFI

The PFI’s formation was announced in 2006 in Bengaluru. It had since spread to Manipur, Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and West Bengal. PFI also has a strong presence in Kerala, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu.

PFI has links to proscribed organisations like the  Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, the centre’s notification said some of PFI’s founding members were the leaders of the banned organisation Students Islamic Movement Of India (SIMI).

The affiliate organisations of the PFI include Rehab India Foundation (RIF), Campus Front of India (CFI), All India Imams Council (AIIC), National Confederation of Human Rights Organization (NCHRO), National Women’s Front, Junior Front, Empower India Foundation and Rehab Foundation.

In the late 1980s, K.T. Mammu, a copra businessman from Vadakara in the Kozhikode district of Kerala, started an organisation named Muslim Cultural Centre as a “defensive move” against intimidation from the late A. Kanaran, a CPI(M) strongman from Nadapuram. This resulted in sporadic clashes between cadres of the Muslim League and CPI(M)—a fight that eventually earned a communal colour.

Mammu’s MCC was centred around kalaris (training centres for the martial art form, Kalaripayatt). He took the help of certain personalities associated with the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI)—which came into existence originally as the student wing of Jamaat-i-Islami and was banned in 2001, immediately after the September 11 attack on the United States—to run the centre.

E. Abubacker, P. Koya and E.M. Abdurahiman – all former office-bearers of SIMI—were the core team of the National Development Front (NDF), formed on November 14, 1993, inspired by Islamist reactionary movements that emerged in different places in India because of the Mandir-Masjid dispute. Thirteen years later, NDF, along with two similar outfits that emerged in the post-Babri Masjid period—Karnataka Forum for Dignity of Karnataka and Manitha Neethi Pasari from Tamil Nadu—would form the Popular Front of India.

Since its formative years, NDF figured frequently in political and communal killings in the state. In May 1997, they organised a conference on human rights, which decided to form an umbrella body of various human rights and civil liberties organisations. Thus was formed the Confederation of Human Rights Organisations (CHRO). In the early days, the organisation’s activities were restricted to Kerala. However, in 2007—after the formation of PFI—CHRO also became national. NCHRO was also banned on September 28 as a front organisation of PFI.

The PFI leaders played crucial roles in building several such NGOs, trusts and socio-cultural organisations in the last 15 years. These organisations were used by PFI to gain more acceptance in the community. PFI maintained that all these organisations were independent entities. Many of these front organisations also have been banned now. Their non-profit charity, Rehab India Foundation, claimed to have worked in poverty reduction and educational segment; their think tank Empower India Foundation’s flagship project was ‘India 2047’, which envisaged “ameliorating the current socio-political-economic-cultural-educational status of Muslim community in India by 2047.”

All India Imams Council, their organisation for religious scholars, Imams and madrasa teachers was floated in 2013. In 2009, The year 2019, the PFI launched its political outfit Social Democratic Party of India—with Abubacker as the founder president—its student organisation Campus Front of India and its women’s organisation National Women’s Front. Both CFI and NWF are banned now. Darul Khuda, another organisation they set up in 2009, allegedly acted as a “parallel judiciary” settling family problems, land and property disputes and other grievances under ‘Shariah’ at certain pockets.

Satya Sarini charitable trust, a missionary centre supported by the PFI, imparted religious lessons to persons who convert to Islam from other religions. The centre was in the eye of controversy when the Hadiya religious conversion case of 2017-2018—in which PFI defended the allegations that it is catering “forced” conversions—became a talking point.

Ashraf Moulavi, state president of SDPI, maintains that the SDPI has a different ideology and existence than PFI. Moulavi adds that because SDPI and PFI are two separate entities, the ban against PFI will not affect the SDPI. SDPI is a party registered with the Election Commission, however, without the Union government initiating actions, EC will not be able to make any major steps against SDPI.

If NDF was primarily a phenomenon in northern Kerala, PFI-SDPI had built a pan-Kerala presence in the last 15 years.

It was in the late 2000s that the IUML and other Muslim organisations openly started coming up with measures to isolate the NDF and PFI. A crucial incident that led to this was when the PFI activists chopped off the right hand of professor T.J. Joseph on July 4, 2010, accusing him of blasphemy.

In 2009, the Union home minister wrote a letter saying that there are certain pockets in Kerala where the police do not have any access and that it should not be allowed. So, the governments knew that they are developing such Sharia-ruled pockets. There are hundreds of such pockets in Kerala now.

On December 4, 2019, the home ministry sought information from all states about cases registered against PFI activists from November 2016 to November 2019. The maximum number of cases registered against PFI activists was in Kerala. In those three years, the maximum number of cases (104) was registered in Kerala. This was primarily for stoking communal tension, violent clashes, attempts to murder, provocative sloganeering, possession of arms, illegal assembly and sedition. The PFI activists were allegedly involved in at least five murder cases.

Political observers cite that a lenient attitude shown towards these extremist elements by the successive governments in Kerala catered for their transition from one form to another.

Over the years, the PFI built its money power also. The NIA estimates that it received over Rs120 crore as foreign funds.

PFI tried to portray themselves as the protectors of poor Muslims. They used to run a propaganda in Kerala that they are the only force to fight RSS in north India. In certain high-profile cases, they could manage to get their people out of jail. Showing this, they created an image that they can protect anybody which is a bluff. They also spread propaganda about their so-called ‘charity works’ in north India.

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