China is a socialist, capitalist state ruled by a single-party – the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) – with Xi Jinping as their leader since 2012. In reality, China is much more orientated towards capitalism.

Development of Media

There were four phases in the development of the media in China.

• The first was the Founding of the new China in 1949 to 1966.

• The second was the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1978.

• The third involved a total change of the media system by Deng Xiaoping’s market reforms.

• The last phase began with the Tiananmen square uprising in 1989.

After the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Communist party started to rule the country. General restrictions were placed on the media system. Private ownership of newspapers was abolished. General media became a party organ.

During the Cultural Revolution, media freedom suffered in the second phase. Anyone who had an opinion counter to Mao Zedong’s was considered as an enemy of the revolution. Television channels were reduced to five. 43 newspapers, which were published were controlled by the party itself. But printed media increased rapidly during 1957-1977 by 358%. Wired broadcasting, a system with speakers in rural China reached 99 million in 1980. It was mainly used for communicating with the rural population and to spread propaganda.

From 1978 to 1989 (third phase), under Deng Xiaoping’s rule there was a a media boom, especially in radio and later in television. In 1987, 55% of China’s population had access to television. Deng Xiaoping wanted to achieve economic independence by freedom of press.

From the Tiananmen uprising in 1989, when students demonstrated for more freedom, democracy and against governmental corruption, until today, there have been stricter restrictions of freedom of press and surveillance by the government. To circumvent this, people and organizations started to use their own distribution networks, like The Guangzhou Ribao, the daily newspaper in Guangzhou. This opened new markets for commercialization.

Television gained more popularity. Ownership of television increased many times. It became a status symbol and economic growth. But from 1980 to 1991, film audiences decreased by almost 50%.

When the Communist Party of China gained power, it created media outlets like the Xinhua News Agency, which became the mouthpiece of the government. Independent media is also regulated by the government.

China Media Today

There are still many restrictions on freedom of press.

Demographic. China has a literacy rate of 95%. The internet population is growing with about 600 million users. Over 90% of the internet population has a social network account and spends an average of 46 minutes a day on it. Most users of internet live in urban areas (72%). The number of mobile phones users hit 1.22 billion in 2013. One can say that in China new technologies are part of the daily life.

The majority of the people living in China are in the age between 25 and 54 (46.7%). The younger generation from 19 to 25 years account only for 19% of social media users in China. The Chinese use different social networks than in other parts of the world.

• Qzone (700 million users) is the ruling social network for blogging, sharing music and photos.

• Weibo (500 million users) is an alternative to Facebook and Twitter combined.

• WeChat (300 million users) is like WhatsApp.

Legal Regulations. Article 35 in China’s legal code is saying that “citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration.” But in 1994, the propaganda department established the Six No’s, including:

•   No private media ownership.

•   No shareholding.

• No joint ventures with foreign organization.

•  No discussion of nature of news/press law.

•   No openness for foreign television.

Besides the No’s there is a “Chinese Newspaper Self-Discipline Agreement” what is saying that journalists must strictly follow all regulations and rules passed by the government. Further, discussions about passed laws and control of the CCP is forbidden.

Article 41 in China’s legal code says that Chinese citizens have the right to criticize the government, but Article 51 says the opposite: “Chinese people may not infringe upon the interest of the state.” The CCP’s central propaganda department ensures this.

Economic Influences. Economic development has had a big impact on the media development. In 1992 all newspapers were subsidized by the state. Today all newspapers and television stations, especially those not owned by the government, are mainly financed by advertisement. The media is increasingly focusing on business and entertainment and not anymore on reporting the latest news.

The Chinese government has difficulties in controlling the media. Hence, it censors the internet in many ways. Some Google and Facebook are totally censored and Wikipedia pages are put offline in times of major discussions in China. Instead, Qzone, Weibo and Wechat are the ruling social networks in China.

Netizens try to circumvent censorship by using proxy servers, to contact western media and banned social networks like Facebook. As many as 95 million Chinese could be on Facebook.

Talk Radio is known to be the freest media, where people anonymously discuss China’s problems. Talk Radios are very popular in China and the CCP is a little reserved into getting into conflict with its citizens.

Mass Media Infrastructure

China’s mass media has been growing since the 1980’s. Due to a range of technologies, it is more diversified, including wired systems, satellite, and the internet. With almost 2,000 newspapers, 9,000 magazines, 273 radio stations and 352 television stations they cover all kinds of different topics.

Xinhua News Agency, located in Beijing, is the primary and largest news agency. It is also considered as one of the world’s leading news agencies with 100 branches worldwide. By purchasing many other Asian news agencies in Japan, South Korea and Singapore it has achieved an influential status. China News Service also supplies news to Chinese living overseas.

Print Media. State run newspapers like the People’s Daily are more traditional and propagate the party’s interest. Other commercial newspapers showcase greater freedom with increasing diversity. All printed media is controlled by the CCP. Many follow Xinhua News Agency, which reflects official polices and promotes government propaganda.

Reference News (3.4 million daily and owned by Xinhua News Agency), People’s Daily (2.8 million) and Global Times (2 million) are the laregst newspapers. None of the major newspapers reflect any different point of view than CCP’s.

Local newspapers display a great variety and are more liberal orientated, even covering corruption among party workers.

Television and Radio. China has one large Radio station called China National Radio with 9 channels. Every province and region has its own local radio stations. China Radio International (CRI) is for the western world.

China Central Television (CCTV) is one large state-owned television network with 20 channels. It is state run and is a party organ of the CCP. It focusses more on news and traditional entertainment. Through its relationship with over 250 other television organizations in 130 countries it has a global impact. CCTV’s viewership is declining due to that fact that the younger generation prefers other outlets.

Other TV stations and several local and regional TV stations like Hunan TV Phonenix TV, Dragon TV and Travel TV display entertainment, documentaries and news. Almost every province has at least one satellite TV network.

Due to censorship all television channels including “independent” companies usually do not push the boundaries on news reporting.

Internet

2,000 out of 10,000 traditional newspapers are available on the internet. News pages like New York Times and BBC are censored.

• Qzone (712 million users) is targeted towards high school students and younger rural kids.

•  Weibo is similar to Twitter, (500 million users)

•  Gaming networks like 51.com has 259 million users.

Google is censored, and instead, Baidu is the dominant player in China’s search engine market (80% market share).

It is impossible to censor a post right away which leads to an easy exchange of information through networks like Weibo long before the official news.

Legal Framework

The “Chinese Newspaper Self-Discipline Agreement” says that journalists must strictly follow all regulation and rules passed by the government. Licensing for a newspaper business in China is very complicated.

Censorship. The Central Propaganda Department of the CCP is responsible for the media representing the party’s interest. It is common that reporters and editors censor themselves. People who report on secrets of the government or for example, revolution, have to face tough consequences and long terms in Chinese prisons.

Foreign journalists do censor themselves because they are worried about not getting a visa again. Many journalists do not know where the red line is, hence they must be even more careful.

The CPD has influence on every part of the media through the “50 cent” army.

On social networks like Weibo, the CPD allows government criticism but silences collective expression. It is all done by keyword filtering, a 20,000 to 50,000 internet police and the “50 cent” army.

Western/American Influence

Western way of life or the American way of life has a huge impact in China. An increasing number of people prefer to watch “idol style” shows instead of the state owned television stations which show more documentaries and news. The CPD wants to cut back on American-style television like singing competitions by restricting the timings, despite being popular.

The authorities do not like the populist and western input that the shows promote. In addition, the voting system in singing competitions promote a democratic way of thinking. All of this could than lead to problems for the Chinese government.

Conclusion

The Internet and new forms of media are more open and diverse. The majority of Chinese people do not really mind censorship because they perceive their culture as something unique. China’s internet environment is led by Weibo, Tencent, Baidu and many other small organizations. Rural television medium plays a significant part in conveying information to the Chinese people.

The Chinese legal framework is very controversial and it gives the CCP complete control over media freedom. In China all the media is controlled by the CPD. The Central Propaganda Department is using hard power approach for limiting media freedom in China. Reporters including foreign journalists are censoring themselves worried about the results if they write the whole truth.

As regards internet and social networks, the CPD focuses more on preventing collective actions than just individual critical posts about the government. The impact of Western and American style of media is not welcomed by Chinese authorities because they are worried about western inputs that could potentially lead to loss of power.

China’s Malicious Use of Social Media

China uses a variety of methods to spread its narrative abroad through social media, including:

Government-controlled media: China has a large state-run media apparatus that includes major news outlets such as Xinhua and CCTV, which are used to disseminate official government views and information to a global audience.

Social media platforms: China has a large presence on global social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube, where it uses official and unofficial accounts to disseminate information and engage with foreign audiences.

Influencers and opinion leaders: China uses a network of influencers and opinion leaders, including scholars, business leaders, and celebrities, to promote its views and interests abroad.

Fake news and disinformation: China has been accused of spreading false information and disinformation through social media platforms in order to influence public opinion and shape global perceptions of China.

Censorship and control: China censors and controls the information that is available on social media within its own borders and also the information that is disseminated abroad to control the narrative about China.

Cyber-espionage: China has been known to use cyber-espionage techniques to hack into foreign social media accounts and steal information that can be used to spread disinformation or to silence critics

Artificial intelligence and automation: China is also known to use AI and automation to amplify its voices on social media and to spread disinformation at scale.

China’s approach to social media is often seen as an attempt to shape global perceptions of China and to advance its own interests and agenda.

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The Chinese Communist Party’s globally focused propaganda and disinformation capabilities are evolving and increasing in sophistication. This emerging approach to influence international discourse on China, including obfuscating its record of human rights violations, is of concern since it flies under the radar of US social media platforms and policymakers.

Youtube accounts are used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to censor speech, promote disinformation and seed the internet with its preferred narratives. These accounts feature mainly female China-based ethnic-minority influencers from the troubled frontier regions of Xinjiang, Tibet and Inner Mongolia (frontier influencers or frontier accounts).

Frontier-influencer accounts are increasingly used as an emerging part of Beijing’s growing propaganda arsenal. They’re seen as a resource to be drawn on, but only if they’re harnessed properly.

YouTube is blocked in China but it is seen by the CCP as a key battlefield in its ideological contest with the outside world. YouTube’s use in China’s foreign propaganda efforts has intensified in recent years. Earlier it was deployed on domestic video-sharing platforms to meet an internal propaganda need, thus has now been redirected towards global audiences on YouTube to counter criticisms of China’s human rights problems and correct the country’s image.

China uses carefully vetted domestic vloggers with a more personal style of communication and softer presentation to be more convincing than traditional party media content, which is often more rigid and didactic. Frontier influencers represent what may be called ‘guerrillas or militia’ fighting on the flanks in the arena of public opinion. The party media may be seen as the ‘regular army’ ‘charging and killing on the frontlines.

Frontier accounts have been created since 2019. They feature content derived from CCP narratives. A false sense of legitimacy and transparency comes from their less-polished presentations. The videos appear to be the creation of the individual influencers, but is in fact professional-generated content and specialists.

Young female Uyghur, Tibetan and other ethnic-minority influencers with such an active presence on a Western social media platform is clearly unusual. But, they are carefully vetted and considered politically reliable. The content is tightly censored and tested on domestic video audiences before being published on YouTube.

The Case of Annie Gul

The ‘Annie Guli’ account’s videos about cotton production in Xinjiang, which feature English-language subtitles, have been among its best performing on YouTube – something Chinese propaganda experts have made note of. Accounts such as ‘Annie Guli’, which present the lives of ethnic minorities in China in a CCP-approved way, can be particularly useful in combating criticism from foreign governments, media and civil society.

One scholar noted that views of ‘Annie Guli’s’ Xinjiang cotton videos outranked Chinese state media outlet, the China Global Television Network (CGTN), on YouTube on the same topic. Similar videos by foreign vloggers in China, however, outranked them both.

Alongside foreign vloggers, carefully vetted domestic vloggers are increasingly seen as another key part of Beijing’s external propaganda arsenal. The increased use of a combination of these two types of vloggers is being encouraged in order to further buttress the propaganda work of party-state media.

Among rural vloggers, the two authors single out ‘grassroots internet celebrities’ such as Li Ziqi and Grandpa Amu as key examples of online video-content creators who already ‘proved the great attraction of China’s colourful culture to global internet users’ on YouTube. These vloggers depict Chinese people as ‘hard-working, brave, self-improving and self-reliant’ individuals.

Some Chinese scholars have noted that these types of accounts are supportive of Xi Jinping’s persistent call for external propaganda to ‘tell China’s stories well, present a true, multidimensional, and panoramic view of China, and enhance our country’s cultural soft power.’

During his visit to Xinjiang in July 2022, Xi emphasised the need to ‘launch multi-level, omni-directional, three-dimensional propaganda about Xinjiang directed abroad, perfect the work of “inviting in” and tell China’s Xinjiang story well.’

Monetisation

Since YouTube is blocked in China, the influencers based in the country are not able to receive advertising revenue through the YouTube Partner Program. the party content creators have made arrangements with YouTube to monetise content for frontier influencers, as well as for hundreds of other China-based influencers on YouTube.

Professional support also ensures that state-backed content ranks well in search results because search-engine algorithms tend to prioritise fresh content and channels that post regularly. The continuous flooding of content by party-state media, onto YouTube is aimed at outperforming other more critical but stale content about China.

This is clearly the Communist Party’s experiment to shape online political discourse. By such targeting the CCP can hide its affiliation with those influencers and create the appearance of ‘independent’ and ‘authoritative’ voices supporting its narratives.

Recommendations

The emergence of ethnic-frontier accounts on platforms blocked in China is a sign of Beijing’s willingness to experiment in building its global voice. Some recommendations as follows are in  order:

• Social media platforms should broaden the practice of labelling the accounts of state media, agencies, and officials to state-linked, PRC-based influencers, in order to give users context and awareness about more insidious forms of state-backed content that lack independence and transparency.

• US social media platforms should stop partnering with, promoting and giving awards to MCNs that are conducting propaganda and disinformation work on behalf of the Chinese party-state.

• Until the Chinese government allows their services to operate in China, US social media platforms should stop their practice of allowing MCNs to monetise content from creators based in the PRC. MCN’s will still be able to post content on these platforms, but they should not be earning money for content as that effectively subsidises state-backed propaganda and disinformation efforts.

• Governments, social media platforms and civil society organisations which rely heavily on the research and insights produced by expert research groups, should increase their support to and funding of such groups. Research topics such as misinformation, information operations and propaganda are complicated, multi-language, data-heavy and rapidly evolving areas of study.

Conclusion

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long deployed covert and overt online information campaigns to portray positive narratives about its domestic policies, while also flooding the global public discourse with disinformation and propaganda. But the potentially greater impact that influencers can have compared to party-state media or inauthentic social media activity is a point not lost on the CCP’s leadership, as well as on propaganda experts and scholars working inside the PRC.

THE GREAT FIREWALL

The blocking of YouTube, Twitter and Facebook in China has been inextricably linked with frontier issues and ethnic clashes since 2008. Before then, those websites were still accessible from China, although with some restrictions, but around the 2008 Beijing Olympics internal censorship increased steeply, and many websites were fully blocked.

In March 2009, Google reported that its video-sharing site YouTube had been blocked. Local media attributed the issue to the publication of a video depicting police brutality against Tibetans in Lhasa during the 2008 uprisings. The site had already been blocked a year earlier during the riots.

The 2009 Xinjiang riots caused an additional tightening of internet controls, and in July that year Twitter and Facebook were also blocked in the country. For months after the riots, the internet was completely shut across the entire region of Xinjiang, denying access to approximately 7 million internet users at the time.

Despite being inaccessible, foreign social media platforms are monitored by Chinese authorities, who use them to clamp down on dissent and hunt down critics even outside of China’s borders, especially if they hold Chinese citizenship. In the past decade, there have been many reports of people being harassed, interrogated, arrested and detained for posting about issues sensitive to the CCP on Chinese and foreign social media.

One of the most well-known cases is that of Zhang Zhan, a citizen journalist who became famous for her early reporting of the

Covid-19 outbreak in the city of Wuhan. In May 2020, after broadcasting about the impact of the lockdown on YouTube, Zhang was detained and tortured before being sentenced to four years in prison for ‘picking quarrels and provoking trouble’.

For minorities in Xinjiang, state control over online activities is even tighter. Former detainees have reported that having a virtual private network (VPN) and/or having a foreign messaging app such as WhatsApp installed on their phones had been used as a pretext for detention.

Watching a video filmed abroad also raises red flags, as well as simply speaking with someone overseas. Forms of religious expression such as wearing a hijab or wearing a scarf in the presence of the Chinese flag have been reported as reasons for arbitrary detention.

Because of the government’s discriminatory crackdown targeting Turkic Muslims and other ethnic and religious groups, most people don’t feel safe to express their faith online or to have a presence on foreign platforms. And, while the closely vetted vloggers featured in this report seem to have special permission to post content on YouTube, they still avoid making any direct reference to their faith or specific religious practices.

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