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In consonance with the established partnership between India and the US, a bilateral tri-Service Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) exercise Tiger Triumph-24 was hekd on 18-31 March on the Eastern seaboard.

The 14-day exercise was aimed at developing interoperability for conducting HADR operations and refine Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) to enable rapid and smooth coordination between forces of both countries.

Indian Navy ships with integral helicopters and landing crafts embarked the Indian Navy aircraft. Indian Army personnel and vehicles and IAF aircraft and helicopters along with the Rapid Action Medical Team (RAMT) participated in the exercise. The US was represented by its navy ships with troops drawn from the US Marine Corps and the US Army.

The Harbour Phase was held from March 18 to 25. Personnel from both navies participated in training visits, subject matter expert exchanges, sports events and social interactions. On completion of the Harbour Phase, the ships, with the troops embarked, sailed for the Sea Phase and undertook maritime, amphibious and HADR operations following injected situations.

The closing ceremony of the exercise was held onboard USS Somerset on March 30, 2024.

Cross Deck helicopter operations involving UH3H, CH53 and  MH60R helicopters were also undertaken between ships of the Indian Navy and the US Navy off Kakinada and Visakhapatnam.

The participating units from the Indian Navy included a landing platform dock, landing ship tanks (large) including their integral landing crafts and helicopters, guided missile frigate and long range maritime reconnaissance aircraft.

The Indian Army was represented by one Infantry Battalion Group including mechanised forces and the Indian Air Force had deployed one medium lift aircraft, transport helicopter and the rapid action medical team (RAMT).

The US Task Force comprised of a US Navy landing platform dock including its integral landing craft air cushions and helicopters, a destroyer, maritime reconnaissance and medium lift aircraft, and also, US Marines.

Special Ops Forces from all the three Services also participated in the exercise and jointly undertook combined operations with the US counterparts at Visakhapatnam and Kakinada during the harbour and sea phase.

India’s History of HADR

In the aftermath of the Indian Ocean tsunami in December 2004, when the Indian Navy provided holistic intervention in the form of rescue and relief operations, task disaggregation, reconnaissance, and rescue of survivors in Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and Indonesia. This humanitarian assistance initiative enabled India to project its soft power as it rejected foreign aid during the crisis to demonstrate that it had the prerequisite resources and manpower to manage the crisis. In fact, to navigate the crisis, India employed indigenous resources in the form of Indian naval ships, aircraft, and helicopters to provide relief and assistance to populations of different neighboring countries like Sri Lanka and the Maldives during the disaster.

Subsequently, India provided humanitarian assistance to its South Asian neighbors during natural calamities (Bhutan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka) and security conflicts (Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka) over the last decade, cementing its position as a first responder in crisis.

Since 2015, under India’s flagship maritime policy of “Security and Growth for All” (SAGAR), Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has constituted the Annual Joint HADR Exercise (AJHE), named Operation Chakravat, to demonstrate India’s capabilities in disaster risk mitigation, and disaster risk response within the IOR. Similarly, Exercise Tiger Triumph with the United States has been instituted to foster triservices engagement between the two states while having the ability to conduct amphibious HADR operations in the advent of a natural calamity. India has also furthered HADR cooperation with the United States under the aegis of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad). The Quad has deliberated on providing coordinated responses to climate disasters while expanding its capacity, capability, and interoperability within the Indo-Pacific. In fact, the Quad sherpas organized the first Quad HADR meeting to this effect in New Delhi in December 2022.

India should invest in suitable platforms to ameliorate its HADR missions through the acquisition of utility helicopters, Landing Platform Helicopters (LPHs), and Landing Platform Docks (LPDs) to ensure faster deployments. India should acquire Multi-Role Supply Ships (MRSS) with HADR contingency load-outs that include deployable shelter systems and relief supplies. Moreover, if economically feasible, India should acquire a hospital ship like China’s Peace Ark to ameliorate Indian HADR operations.

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The two strategic partners also expressed commitment to cooperate in the co-development and co-production of advanced defence technologies, including for the benefit of third countries, a decision seen as a reflection of the growing bilateral defence ties.

There was no word on the much-anticipated procurement of 26 naval variants of Rafale fighter jets by India from France

ALSO READ: Macron for France’s deeper involvement in India’s self-reliance efforts in defence equipment

However, a document listing a 25-year roadmap to further advance the strategic relations mentioned the “timely delivery” of the 36 Rafale jets, which were procured by India from France for the Indian Air Force.

It said the two sides welcome an agreement inked between India’s Mazgon Dockyard Ltd and France’s Naval Group for the construction of three additional submarines under the P-75 programme.

The document titled “Horizon 2047: 25th Anniversary of the India-France Strategic Partnership, Towards A Century of India-France Relations” said the two sides are ready to explore more ambitious projects to develop the Indian submarine fleet and its performance.

“In line with their outstanding cooperation in military aviation spanning over five decades, India and France welcome the timely delivery of the 36 Rafale ordered by India,” it said.

“In the future, India and France will extend their ground-breaking defence cooperation in advanced aeronautical technologies by supporting the joint development of a combat aircraft engine,” it added.

A roadmap for this project will be prepared between Safran and the Defence Research and Development Organisation(DRDO) before the end of this year.

They also announced supporting industrial cooperation for the motorisation of heavy-lift helicopters under the Indian Multi Role Helicopter [IMRH] programme with the Safran helicopter engine.

“To enable progress on the IMRH programme, a shareholders’ agreement between Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), India and Safran Helicopter Engine, France has been concluded for engine development,” the document said.

It said these ventures are in line with the spirit of trust that prevails between India and France in the sharing and joint development of critical components and technology building blocks, based on the successful Indo-French experience in technology transfer.

It mentioned that other examples of the defence industrial partnership included the contract being concluded between Safran Helicopter Engine and HAL for the transfer of technology of “forging and castings” for the Shakti engine.

“This is also reflective of the French commitment to support technology transfer and Make in India, it said.

Another such example is the MoU between Garden Reach Shipbuilders and Engineers Ltd and Naval Group France to collaborate in the field of surface ships that cater to fulfil the requirement of India and international naval forces, it added.

“To this end, both countries are also working towards adopting a roadmap on defence industrial cooperation,” it said.

In view of the uptick in defence industrial collaborations between the two countries, India is setting up a technical office of the DRDO at the Indian embassy in Paris.

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As part of military-to-military exchange programs, a contingent of Indian Special Forces troops carried out the eighth edition of the bilateral joint training Exercise Garuda Shakti with Indonesian Special Forces at Sangga Buana Training Area, Karawang, Indonesia. The exercise commenced on 21 November 2022. It was aimed at enhancing understanding, cooperation and interoperability between the Special Forces of both armies.

The scope of the joint exercise included orientation to advance special forces skills, sharing of information on weapon, equipment, innovations, tactics, techniques & procedures and lessons learnt from various operations undertaken, Special Forces Operations in Jungle terrain, strikes on terrorist camps and a validation exercise integrating basic and advance special forces skills apart from gaining an insight into the lifestyle and culture of both countries to foster military cooperation. The joint training also focused on a high degree of physical fitness, tactical drills, techniques and procedures for which a comprehensive 13-day training programme was worked out. The exercise culminated in a 48-hour long validation exercise.

Exercise Veer Warrior – India and Singapore

In December 2022, gunners from the 23rd Battalion, Singapore Artillery (23 SA), 24th Battalion, Singapore Artillery (24 SA), Headquarters Singapore Artillery (HQ SA) and Artillery Institute were at the Devlali Field Firing Range in India for Exercise Agni Warrior (XAW). The main highlights were the bilateral exercise with the Indian Army, live firing of their 155mm Singapore Light Weight Howitzer (SLWH) Pegasus and the Field Artillery Training Evaluation Programme (FATEP) for 23 SA, a three-day exercise aimed to evaluate our gunners’ operational readiness. Since its inception in 2004, XAW has been a testament of the long-standing defence relationship between the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and the Indian Army.

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Singh and Jaishankar, who held the 2+2 ministerial meeting in Tokyo with Japan’s Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi and Defence Minister Yasukazu Hamada, expressed their support for enhanced security and defence cooperation.

 “While expressing its resolve to examine all options necessary for national defence, including so-called ‘counterstrike capabilities’, the Japanese side expressed its determination to fundamentally reinforce Japan’s defence capabilities within the next five years and secure substantial increase of Japan’s defence budget needed to effect it. Acknowledging Japan’s determination to reinforce its defence capabilities, Indian side expressed its support to work towards enhanced security and defence cooperation,” said the joint statement after the 2+2 ministerial meeting.

Without mentioning China’s belligerence in the region, the statement said: “Acknowledging that global cooperation is required more than ever to address security challenges that have become more acute, the ministers reaffirmed their commitment to a rules-based global order that respects sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations, and emphasised the need for all countries to seek peaceful resolution of disputes, in accordance with international law, without resorting to threat or use of force or any attempt to unilaterally change the status quo.”

 “During today’s discussions, we noted the progress in the military-to-military cooperation and exchanges between the two sides. We shared a common desire to further increase the scope and complexities of our bilateral exercises. We have established staff talks and high-level dialogue between all the three services and the Coast Guard. I am glad that we have now agreed on staff talks between the joint staff of the Japanese Self Defence Forces and the Integrated Defence Staff of India,” said Singh.

 “The participation of Japan for the first time in the multilateral exercise MILAN and operationalisation of the Reciprocal Provision of Supply and Services Agreement in March this year are milestones in the progress of defence cooperation between our forces. We are happy to note that our Air Forces are working closely for early conduct of the inaugural Air Force fighter exercise,” he said.

 “Enhancing the defence equipment and technological cooperation between India and Japan is one of our key priority areas. In our meeting today, I had the opportunity to propose engagements in emerging and critical technological domains. I have also invited the Japanese defence companies to look at opportunities in investing in the Indian defence corridors,” he said.

Jaishankar flagged the Covid-19 pandemic and the “ongoing conflicts” as “new challenges” and underscored the need to address them. “We have witnessed in recent times very serious developments, especially since our last meeting in 2019. The Covid pandemic and ongoing conflicts demand that we address these new challenges,” he said.

The 2+2 dialogue is taking place more than five months after Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida visited India for the annual India-Japan summit.

The joint statement said the ministers highlighted their commitment to a “common strategic goal of achieving a free and open Indo-Pacific, that is inclusive and resilient, based on the rule of law, and free from coercion. The ministers also reiterated their strong support for ASEAN’s unity and centrality and their full support for the ‘ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific’ which upholds principles such as the rule of law, openness, freedom, transparency and inclusiveness.”

Underlining that the ministers had a “frank and fruitful” discussion on regional and global issues of mutual interests and concerns, particularly those in the Indo-Pacific as well as Ukraine, it said they also reaffirmed their commitments with respect to regional and global security challenges.

 “We held extensive discussions on ways to enhance maritime cooperation including maritime domain awareness. There is consensus on both sides that a strong India-Japan relationship is very important for a free, open, rule-based and inclusive Indo-Pacific based upon sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations. India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative shares many commonalities with Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific. India has also developed maritime cooperation with regional partners in consonance with our inclusive vision of Security and Growth for All in the Region,” said Singh.

Jaishankar said that in the face of such challenges, the case for India and Japan to collaborate more closely on foreign policy and security has become even stronger. “Strengthening our foreign policy coordination is essential to realise the true benefits of the substantial convergence in our interests and outlook. They obviously concentrate on the Indo-Pacific but extend to many other regional, global and multilateral platforms as well. The exchange of views on the crucial situations facing the international community today was particularly useful. In parallel, there is an ongoing endeavor to deepen our defence exchanges and explore areas for practical cooperation,” he said.

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India and Israel, on 2 June, signed a ‘vision Statement’ to further deepen the long-standing defence cooperation. This was adopted at a meeting between Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his visiting Israeli counterpart Benny Gantz.

India is an industrial superpower and Israel is a technological superpower – cooperation between our countries will expand the capabilities of both countries to contend with developing challenges, Gantz said.

“The two Ministers presented a joint declaration marking 30 years of Israel-India relations and reiterated their commitment to deepening defence ties,” a statement from Gantz’s office said. “India and Israel share similar and common challenges, including border security and fighting terrorism. By working together, we may increase our capabilities and ensure the security and economic interests of both countries,” Gantz said.

A Letter of Intent on enhancing cooperation in the field of futuristic defence technologies was also exchanged between the two Ministers, a Defence Ministry statement said.

The discussion covered topics including strategic global challenges, military cooperation, defence industrial cooperation and joint Research and Development (R&D). They also discussed a cooperation agreement signed between the Indian Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Israel’s Directorate for Defence R&D, which will enable the expansion of technological collaboration and development between the countries.

The Ministers declared their intention to further develop defence cooperation in a manner that harnesses Israel’s “technological advance and operational experience”, together with India’s “extraordinary development and production capabilities”, the statement said.

In addition, the Ministers discussed partnerships within the government-to-government framework, military training, and technological cooperation with a focus on Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) and defensive capabilities, the statement added.

10-year Roadmap

In October 2021, India and Israel had agreed to form a task force to formulate a comprehensive 10-year roadmap to identify new areas of cooperation as part of efforts to further advance the bilateral defence cooperation. This was agreed at the 15th India-Israel Joint Working Group (JWG) meeting on bilateral defence cooperation held on October 27, 2021 in Tel Aviv, Israel, the Defence Ministry had stated. The JWG is the apex body between the Defence Ministries of the two countries to comprehensively review and guide all aspects of bilateral defence cooperation.

At the same meeting, it was also decided to form a Sub Working Groups (SWG) on defence industry cooperation and in this regard, a Terms of Reference was signed between the two sides. The SWG would enable efficient utilisation of bilateral resources, effective flow of technologies and sharing industrial capabilities, the Ministry had stated.

Overview of Defence Cooperation and Trade

India, since 2017, has also become a strategic partner and a co-producer of Israeli weapons. Over the past five years, both countries have conducted joint military drills and hosted police and army training and exchange visits.

The India-Israel relationship has grown significantly over the last 30 years especially in the field of missiles, radars, electronic warfare systems and other weapons and equipment.

But it hasn’t always been this way. Until 1992, India did not have diplomatic relations with Israel.  Now, India and Israel have inked separate deals worth around $3 billion over the last four to five years for advanced surface-to-air missile systems for the three Services.

Israel provided India with weapons in 1962 and then in 1965 in the wars against China and Pakistan. By the early 1970s, the Indian military establishment was impressed by and enamoured with Israeli technology.

The first purchases India made from Israel were two Super Dvora Mk II fast patrol boats in the mid-1990s.

Soon New Delhi began importing high-end defence equipment, including Israeli Searcher and Heron unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and armed drones, missile systems, and sensors and electro-optical systems or Tavor assault weapons used by Indian Special Forces in Indian-occupied Kashmir.

Following several interactions between military leaders in the early 1990s, India agreed to assign a defence attache to Tel Aviv in 1995.

In 1999, Israel provided India with urgent assistance in its war with Pakistan, a move that established Israel as a reliable military partner.

Between 1997 and 2000, 15 percent of all Israeli arms exports travelled to India. By the mid-2000s, this had increased to 27 percent, with India broadening its range of purchases, such as surveillance equipment, drones and surface-to-air-missiles. Between 2000 and 2010, India spent around $10bn on Israeli arms.

Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi entered office in 2014, around 42.1 percent of all arms exports from Israel have landed in India.

Between 2014 and 2021, India received combat aircraft radar equipment, armed UAVs, anti-tank missiles and surface-to-air missiles, among other hardware from Israel. The Indian military is reportedly in possession of 108 Israeli Searcher drones and 68 unarmed Heron 1s. It also has several Harpy drones – also known as suicide attack drones.

Just as the Covid-19 pandemic began in early 2020, Modi’s government ordered 16,479 Negev light machine guns, sparking outrage among some Indian activists.

In its “surgical strikes” on Pakistan in 2019, India used Israeli-made “Spice 2000” bombs.

In 2021, during the standoff with China, India leased and finally bought four Heron-TP Medium Altitude Long Endurance UAVs from Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI).

According to Sipri, weapons deliveries to India from Israel increased by 175 percent between 2015 and 2019. Meanwhile, Israeli arms exports increased 19 percent between 2012-16 and 2017-2021. Its own spending on arms increased by 3.1 percent.

Co-production of Arms

India has worked with Israel in co-producing weapons. In 2017, Israel Weapons Industries and Indian construction company Punj Lloyd created the first private small arms factory in Malanpur, under the name Punj Lloyd Raksha Systems, or PLR Systems.

According to PLR Systems, also a joint venture with Adani Group and the SK Group, the factory produces the Tavor Assault Rifle, X95 Assault Rifle, Galil Sniper Rifle, Negev Light Machine Gun and the Uzi Sub Machine Gun used by the Indian military, including Indian Special Forces.

Later in 2017, Kalyani Rafael Advanced Systems Ltd (KRAS), a joint venture between India’s Kalyani Strategic Systems Ltd and Israel’s Rafael Advanced Systems, began manufacturing Spike anti-tank guided missiles for the Indian army.

It was the first private company to produce missiles in India.

In 2019, KRAS received an order of $100m to produce the Barak-8, a long-range surface-to-air missile, for the Indian navy.

In late 2021, the military ordered Skystriker drones. This will now be produced in a joint venture between Israel’s Elbit Systems and India’s Adani-owned Alpha Design Technologies.

Major Arms Supplier

Israel has been one of India’s top defence partners supplying a range of high end defence equipment. Indian armed forces rely heavily on Israeli Searcher and Heron UAVs to meet their surveillance requirements with growing need for more. In the backdrop of the standoff with China in eastern Ladakh, last year the Army had leased four Heron-TP Medium Altitude Long Endurance UAVs from Israel Aircraft Industries which have since been inducted.

The two countries have several joint development projects in the pipeline, including the Long Range Surface to Air Missile also called Barak-8 for the Indian Navy’s warships. The development which saw some delays is now complete and the missile systems are being inducted.

In another important project, in April, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited entered into a memorandum of understanding with IAI to convert six Boeing-767 civil passenger aircraft to midair refuelling aircraft in India for the Indian Air Force.

However, another major deal for two more Phalcon Airborne Warning And Control Systems (AWACS), to add to three in Service, has been stuck for a while for final approval from the Cabinet Committee on Security. With the current focus on indigenous manufacturing and DRDO now indigenously developing larger AWACS, the Phalcon is unlikely to materialise.

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the US on 22-25 September 2021 was significant for a number of reasons. His delegation includes External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Foreign Secretary Shringla among others.
Ahead of US visit, Modi said his visit to the United States would be an occasion to strengthen the Indo-US Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership and consolidate ties with Japan and Australia. He said in his address to the United Nations General Assembly he would focus on the pressing global challenges including the Covid-19 pandemic, the need to combat terrorism, climate change, and other important issues. At a media briefing ahead of the prime minister’s visit, foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla had said the developments in Afghanistan would be extensively discussed in the bilateral talks between Modi and Biden and the Indian side would convey that Washington needed to continue focus on that country.

Prime Minister’s Engagements

23 September

• Modi met US Vice-President Kamala Harris.
• The prime minister met one-on-one with five chief executives of top American companies – Heads of Qualcomm, Adobe, First Solar, General Atomics and Blackstone.
• Modi had bilateral meetings with Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison and Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga.

24 September
*Modi participated in the first in-person summit of the Quad in Washington and had an important bilateral meeting with US President Joe Biden.

25 September
*Modi attended the UN General Assembly in New York and addressed the General Debate of the High-Level Segment of the 76th Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA).
*Meeting With Joe Biden
The meeting with Joe Biden was the first in-person meeting between the two leaders after Biden became President in January.
*Biden and Modi discussed the current regional security situation following the recent developments in Afghanistan and a number of other issues. The need to “stem radicalism, extremism, cross-border terrorism and dismantling of global terrorist network”, also featured in the PM Modi-Biden talks.

Other issues on the agenda discussed with President Joe Biden were as follows:
• The Afghan crisis and its implications
• China’s growing assertiveness
• Ways to stem radicalism and cross-border terrorism
• Expansion of the India-US global partnership
• How to bolster bilateral trade and investment ties
• Strengthen defence and security collaboration
• Boost the Strategic Clean Energy Partnership
• Explore new avenues and emerging technologies, including R&D, innovation and industry linkages

Quad Summit

PM Modi also attended the first in-person Quad summit hosted by the US President. Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison and Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga also attended the summit. This was Modi’s first in-person meeting with Mr Suga after the latter took over the reins from Shinzo Abe in September last year.
The Quad summit aims to boost cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region amid China’s growing dominance in the area. The Quad countries – Australia, India, Japan and the US – announced a new working group on space, a supply chain initiative and a 5G deployment and diversification effort apart from discussing issues like challenges in the Indo Pacific, climate change and COVID-19 pandemic.

For the US, the Quad meeting marked another step to reviving an American focus on diplomatic efforts, following its dramatic exit from the 20-year Afghanistan war.
Of the three regional groupings that Washington leads in its strategic chess game to manage China’s ascent, the Quad is deliberately the most open. The other two are the “Five Eyes” intelligence-sharing alliance, comprising Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States, and the newest arrival on the block – AUKUS.

Meeting with Kamala Harris

During his first meeting with US Vice President Kamala Harris, Modi latter brought up Pakistan’s role in terrorism and asked Islamabad to take action so it does not impact America and India’s security.
Modi and Harris had earlier spoken on the telephone in June this year. Harris had offered to prioritise India, in making US vaccines available in the wake of the Covid situation at that time in India.

Address to UN General Assembly

PM Modi will conclude the US visit with an address at the United Nations General Assembly, focusing on global challenges including the pandemic, the need to combat terrorism, climate change and other important issues.

India – US Issues

India and the US are close partners and share an economic and military relationship. Bilateral trade was $88.75 billion (Rs 6.5 lakh crore) in 2019-20, and the stated goal is of taking it to $500 billion (Rs 36.9 lakh crore) over the current decade. A new trade deal between the two countries is off the table but there are other areas of mutual convergence.

1. Defence. Since being designated a ‘major defence partner’ by the US in 2016, India has been able to access cutting-edge US military technology. Both countries conduct more military exercises with each other than with any other country. Over the past 15 years, India has bought arms worth $22 billion (Rs 1.6 lakh crore) from the US and is negotiating a fresh batch of defence deals worth approximately $10 billion (Rs 73,825 crore). The new deals include those for 30 MQ-9B Predator drones, worth approximately $3 billion (Rs 22,147 crore), additional C-130J transport aircraft and NASAMS-II air defence missile systems. India wants this relationship to move into the realm of joint development and to include more cutting-edge prowess in the field of stealth technologies, jet fighter engines and nuclear propulsion reactor technology.
3. Terrorism and Afghanistan. Since the swift takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban and the shocking collapse of the earlier Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and its US-trained and equipped military, both India and the US have common concerns about Afghanistan becoming a hub of terrorism, with terrorists operating out of safe havens there to target the world outside, as it was during the previous Taliban rule between 1996 and 2001. A shared concern is intelligence cooperation after the US pullout to warn of possible terror threats. The immediate issue at hand is the push by the Taliban to gain global legitimacy, including claiming its seat at the United Nations. The US aims to exert leverage on the Islamist group using what Secretary of State Antony Blinken said last month was a “range of tools”.
4. Climate Change. The two countries this year launched a new high-level team-up—the ‘US-India Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership’. The partnership envisages bilateral cooperation to meet the goals of the 2015 Paris Agreement. Its goal is to limit global warming to well below 2 degrees Celsius, preferably 1.5 degrees Celsius, compared to pre-industrial levels. To achieve this long-term goal, countries aim to reach global peaking of greenhouse gas emissions as soon as possible to achieve a climate-neutral world by mid-century.
6. The US has set an economy-wide target of reducing its net greenhouse gas emissions by 50-52 per cent below 2005 levels in 2030. As part of its climate mitigation efforts, India has set a target of installing 450 GW of renewable energy by 2030. The two countries are to collaborate on this 2030 agenda for clean technologies and climate action. The first announcement in this direction was made in New Delhi when Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry travelled to launch the initiative in April 2021.
7. Free and open Indo-Pacific. China’s rise as a military power has sparked global anxiety and uncertainty, particularly with regard to the South China Sea that Beijing has militarised and claims as its territorial waters. Over $5 trillion (Rs 7.3 lakh crore) worth of trade, which is over 60 per cent of the global maritime trade, passes through the South China Sea. An immediate response to China’s belligerence has been the revival of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad, in March this year. The Quad countries—US, India, Australia and Japan—are to hold their first in-person meeting at the White House this week after a virtual summit last year. India and the US have reiterate their commitment to a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’—a region comprising the Indian Ocean, the western and central Pacific Ocean and including the South China Sea.
9. Vaccine Exports. In April, India halted vaccine exports after it was hit by a crippling second wave of the Covid-19 pandemic but resumed them from October. Indian manufacturers source raw materials, such as sterile filters and disposable bags for cell culture, used in vaccine production from the US. At a global Covid-19 summit on September 22, PM Modi emphasised that India would be stepping up vaccine production. He said India wants the vaccine raw material supply chains to be kept open so that it could step up vaccine production and resume exports to other countries. Global vaccine supply, particularly to the poorer countries, remains a huge bottleneck. The World Health Organization (WHO) has flagged vaccine inequity wherein a majority of the over 5 billion vaccines have been administered by the rich nations and the poorer countries were left to fend for themselves. President Biden has committed to donating 1.1 billion vaccine doses to the poorer countries, especially those in Africa. This is another area of collaboration between the two countries.

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The inaugural 2+2 ministerial level meeting between India and Australia was held, on 11 September, a fortnight ahead of the first Quad in-person Summit in Washington DC. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajanth Singh met Australian Foreign Minister Marise Payne and Defence Minister Peter Dutton in New Delhi for an in-person meeting. That the two countries have kickstarted this new format of engagement suggests the growing trust and comfort level between India and Australia.

The meeting completed the set of such engagements the members of the Quad are having bilaterally with one another. The first such exercise India had was with Japan later on with the United States and now with Australia, all of whom are also working closely in the Indo-Pacific region.

Taking forward the bilateral Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, the Foreign and Defence Ministers of both countries drew a roadmap encompassing political, economic, security and defence-related issues underscoring the importance of “advancing their shared objectives of an open, free, prosperous and rule-based Indo-Pacific region, in line with India increased engagement” in this sphere.

Some of the major takeaways from the Australia-India Ministerial Dialogue include enhancing supply chain resilience and strengthening cooperation in the maritime domain. The latter that would enable deeper partnership between the two countries on a range of maritime-related themes such as maritime domain awareness, broadening linkages between maritime agencies, combating challenges like marine litter, and focusing on illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. The ministers also appreciated the presence of a liaison officer from Australia at the Information Fusion Centre – Indian Ocean Region, based in Gurgaon.

The ministers used the opportunity to reinforce “their commitment to maintaining a free, open, inclusive and rules-based Indo-Pacific region” and emphasized the need for the South China Sea Code of Conduct, currently under negotiations between China and ASEAN, to be consistent with international law, especially the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The ministers reiterated their commitment to strengthen their work through a number of trilateral and other minilateral platforms in the Indo-Pacific, including the Quad. Other areas that found prominent mention in the press statement include defense trade cooperation, including continued dialogue between the Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO) of India and Defense Science and Technology Group of Australia, information sharing, and strengthening interoperability through augmented number of bilateral and multinational exercises.

Prime Ministers Meeting

Indian Prime Minister Narenda Modi and Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison met for a virtual summit in June 2020, at which the two sides elevated their relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP). The Australian foreign minister during a recent statement to the press said that the 2+2 dialogue is a direct result of the elevation of the relationship.
During their meeting, the joint statement noted, the four ministers reiterated “their commitment to fully implement the CSP based on mutual trust and understanding, common interests and shared values of democracy and rule of law.” Further they highlighted “the importance of advancing their shared objective of an open, free, prosperous and rules-based Indo-Pacific region, in line with India’s increasing engagement in the Indo-Pacific region through the Indo-Pacific Oceans’ Initiative and Australia’s Indo-Pacific approach and Pacific Step-Up.” The 2+2 dialogue will be held at least once in two years to maintain the traction in the relationship.

Modi and Morrison met agian, on 23 September, in Washington, a week after they spoke over phone and reviewed the rapid progress in the India-Australia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, including through the ‘two-plus-two’ dialogue, and exchanged views on regional developments and the forthcoming Quad meeting.
It was the first meeting between the prime ministers of India and Australia since the AUKUS (Australia, the UK and the US) security partnership was unveiled, on 15 September, by US President Biden, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and Morrison.

Comments

A crucial factor in India-Australia bilateral relations that witnessed a quantum leap is in the area of defence. After the country pulled out from Malabar five-nation naval exercise in 2007, Australia was readmitted and took part in the first phase of the exercise hosted during August by the United States off the coast of Guam. This war-game exercise allows the Navies of India, Australia, Japan and the United States to demonstrate, coordination, synergy and inter-operability of the four countries on the high seas.

With India assiduously working on its Atmanirbhar plan and promoting defence manufacturing in the country, the move to further research in this strategic field through India’s Defence Research Development Organisation and Defence Science and Technology Group of Australia would allow both countries to explore new frontiers in critical technology amid India seeking access to source rare earth material from the country.

Given that both New Delhi and Canberra have had to bear the brunt of increasingly belligerent Chinese behavior, including the use of force against India and trade coercion against Australia, these fast-paced strategic developments are understandable.
Australia-India relations have been improving for several years, but relations have seen a dramatic shift in the last couple of years, evident in the number of high-level engagements between the two sides. With worsening relations between India and China as well as Australia and China in recent years, both New Delhi and Canberra have been realigning their interests and partners, and those connections will likely grow manifold in the coming years. After many years, Australia was finally invited back to the Malabar naval exercise last year. For Australia, even as the U.S. security alliance remains central to their security, Canberra has been expanding its Asian partnerships in the Indo-Pacific.

With worsening relations between India and China as well as Australia and China in recent years, both New Delhi and Canberra have been realigning their interests and partners, and those connections will likely grow manifold in the coming years.
India, for its part, long avoided taking sides between the U.S. and China. While Sino-Indian relations have been in trouble for several years, the Galwan confrontation in 2020 brought the relationship to an all-time low. The Indian response to Galwan has been very different and much tougher, partly because 20 Indian soldiers died. As a result, India has decided to pursue closer strategic engagements with a number of like-minded partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially Australia.

Australia has also seen more than its fair share of bullying behavior from China, much of it because Morrison asked for an independent inquiry into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic in April 2020. Since then, China has engaged in severe economic and trade coercive practices against Australia, targeting everything from barley, beef, seafood, wheat, and wine to coal, cotton, copper, education, and timber.

Augmented Australia-India ties within bilateral, trilateral, quadrilateral, and other minilaterals and multilateral institutions are a reality that is unlikely to slow down for the foreseeable future. The convergence of strategic interests in ensuring an Indo-Pacific order that is free of hegemonic and muscular policies will bind India and Australia in the coming years. The two will likely also expand their partnership both in pursuing strategic partnerships and thematic ones like supply chain resilience initiative.

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The IN, under the command of Rear Adm Ajay Kochhar, Flag Officer Commanding Western Fleet, participated with indigenous guided missile destroyer, INS Kochi (with Sea King MK 42B helicopter) and the Guided Missile Frigate INS Teg (with search-and-rescue capable Chetak helicopter). The IN also fielded a P8I, a shore-based maritime reconnaissance aircraft and MiG 29K fighters. The JMSDF was led by Rear Adm IkeuchiIzuru, Commander, Escort Flotilla Three comprising of the Izumo-class helicopter carrier Kaga and the guided missile destroyer Murasame. Both ships participated with integral SH60K helicopters.
Setting the operational tempo from the start, the units exercised war-at-sea scenario with P8I (IN) providing maritime reconnaissance support to both navies. The units practised replenishment at sea approaches and undertook fuel rig connect-up between Kaga and Kochi. The exercise also involved complex over-the-horizon targeting exercises and surface gun shoots on an expendable target. An advanced coordinated anti-submarine exercise involving an underwater target deployed by JMSDF saw surface units and IN’s P8I aircraft exercising with seamless coordination. Flag officers of the two forces also met on the flight decks of Kochi and Kaga during flying operations, in keeping with the true spirit of military friendship.

The air domain operations included advanced anti-aircraft firing exercises on expendable aerial target launched from the deck of INS Kochi and ship controlled beyond-visual-range (BVR) combat drills by IN’s MiG 29K fighters. The exercise involved a high tempo of flying operations with MiG 29K fighters coming in for multiple simulated air strike on surface units, shepherded by the IN’s Maritime Patrol Aircraft, Dornier. The inclement weather did little to hold back IN and JMSDF helicopters from undertaking cross-deck landings, showcasing a high level of interoperability.

The precision, coordination and the high level of interoperability reflected the high standards of professionalism and preparedness the two navies maintain to counter threats at sea, and also high level of trust and understanding that they have built over the years. The complex maritime exercises undertaken will enable the two navies to further strengthen their already wide-ranging strategic partnership and, when required, to jointly safeguard their maritime interests and ensure peace, security and stability in the region.

Meanwhile, both the Indian and Japanese naval forces had been active outside of JIMEX as well. The Indian Navy conducted the fourth edition of AUSINDEX, between the Indian Navy and the Royal Australian Navy. During the exercises from September 6-10, the Indian contingent included INS Shivalik and Kadmatt, the most recent indigenously designed and developed guided missile stealth frigate and anti-submarine corvette respectively, part of the Indian Navy’s Eastern Fleet based in Visakhapatnam in southern India. The Australian side was represented by the Anzac-class frigate HMAS Warramunga, which also took part in the Malabar exercises. According to an Indian press release, the 2021 edition of AUSINDEX included complex surface, sub-surface, and air operations between ships, submarines, helicopters, and long-range maritime patrol aircraft of the participating navies, with the goal of strengthening interoperability and developing a shared understanding of processes and procedures for maritime security operations.

The JMSDF, too, had a busy schedule. There was a major naval exercise in the waters off the southeast of Okinawa involving six participating navies – the U.S. Navy, the U.K. Royal Navy, the JMSDF, the Royal Netherlands Navy, the Royal Canadian Navy and the Royal New Zealand Navy – with a total of 17 surface ships, including four aircraft carriers. According to a press release issued by the JMSDF, the exercise was meant to bolster the Japanese forces’ “tactical skills and interoperability with the participating navies.” The exercise involved anti-submarine warfare, air defense warfare, tactical movement, and communications training.

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Given this aggressive behavior, US-China competition has escalated sharply. In December 2017, the US published its latest “National Security Strategy,” and, in 2018, Vice President Mike Pence detailed the administration’s China policy at a speech at the Hudson Institute, both of which indicated a strong US stance toward China. In addition to imposing tariffs, the US has excluded Chinese products and 5G technologies from government procurement in a so-called “high tech war.” To deal with China’s challenging attitude during the COVID-19 crisis, the US has already deployed three aircraft carrier battle groups, as well as B-1 and B-2 strategic bombers, in the Indo-Pacific region.

Against this backdrop, it is important to examine the role of Japan, India, and Australia with regard to the US-China competition. To understand their role, this article first analyzes features of current rivalry between China and the US.

I. Characteristics of the China-US Relationship

Three features of China’s territorial expansion

China’s recent territorial expansion has three features. The first involves the flouting of international law. In the South China Sea, China has expanded its claim and ignored the verdict of an international court. On Senkaku Island of Japan, China is asserting historical rights to an island it has not claimed before 1971. In the case of the India-China border, where 20 Indian soldiers sacrificed their lives in a clash with China this year, the Tibetan exile government stated that these areas belong to India. China has ignored current international law and expanded its territorial claim in all three areas.

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The second feature of China’s territorial expansion is timing. It has exploited the situation whenever it finds a “power vacuum.” For example, China occupied half of the Paracel Islands just after France withdrew in the 1950s, and expanded its presence to all of the Paracel Islands after the US withdrew from South Vietnam in 1970s. China occupied six features of the Spratly Islands after the Soviet Union decreased its military presence in Vietnam in the 1980s. And China laid claim to Mischief Reef after US troops withdrew from the Philippines in the 1990s. Recently, China has tried to expand its territorial claims not only in the South China Sea, but also in the East China Sea and the India-China border. According to the SIPRI Military Expenditure Database, from 2010-19 China increased its military expenditure by 85 per cent, compared with India’s 37 per cent and Japan’s 2 percent. There is a strong possibility that China is doing so because it believes there is a power vacuum in these areas.

A third feature of China’s territorial expansion is its insistence on excluding outsiders. In issues surrounding the South China Sea, the East China Sea, and the India-China border, China has blamed the involvement of non-regional powers as contributing to the problem. China wants to solve these territorial issues on a bilateral basis without the involvement of the US or of the international community.

Analysis of the US stance toward China

To deal with China’s provocation, the US has chosen a tough stance toward China that has two aspects. Militarily, the US has tried to maintain a balance, but economically, the US has tried to decouple from China and make it poorer.

In June 2020, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo explained why the number of US troops in Germany has been reduced, and why US troops had also withdrawn from Syria and Afghanistan. He said, “This is going to dictate that in certain places there will be fewer American resources. There’ll be other places-I just talked about the threat from the Chinese Communist Party, so now threats to India, threats to Vietnam, threats to Malaysia, Indonesia, South China Sea challenges, the Philippines. We’re going to make sure we’re postured appropriately to counter the PLA. We think that’s the challenge of our time, and we’re going to make sure we have resources in place to do that.” To counter China’s territorial expansion, the US has increased its military deployment to maintain balance in this region. Because China tends to expand its territorial claim when it finds a power vacuum, maintaining a military counterbalance is the proper way for the US to respond.

Economically, the US strategy is more aggressive. Both its trade war and its high tech war have excluded China’s participation in the US economy. As a result, US experts have started to use the word “decoupling” when referring to relations with China, and the US president himself has indicated the possibility. Because China’s growth and expansionist tactics include rapid military modernization and loaning money to other countries for infrastructure projects as part of the Belt and Road Initiative, it is dependent on a healthy budget. It is, therefore, a wise strategy for the US to focus on reducing China’s wealth.

ALSO READ: Japan deepens intelligence sharing with India, Australia and UK

Indeed, there is a strong possibility that such tough policies toward China will remain long-term policy for three reasons. First, the US became a superpower because it defeated all rivals including Germany, Japan and the Soviet Union and during these conflicts it developed long-term policies that prepared for all scenarios, even unlikely ones. For example, between the two World Wars, the US had an “Orange Plan” to defeat Japan and implemented it during WW II. Similarly, it had a “Black Plan” against Germany. But when these plans were declassified in 1974, the world was surprised to learn that there was also a “Red Plan” to defeat Britain and Canada. (Canada was very upset.) Because the US designated China as a “competitor” in the “National Security Strategy” in 2017, one can assume that it has a contingency plan to defeat China as part of its long-term policy.

Secondly, the tough stance toward China is not the product of the Trump administration alone. For example, the high tech war, which excluded products of Huawei and ZTE, started when the “Investigative Report on the U.S. National Security Issues Posed by Chinese Telecommunications Companies Huawei and ZTE” was published in 2012, during Barack Obama’s presidency. Thus, Republicans and Democrats share many similar goal toward China.

Third, now is the proper time for the US to act if it wants to win the competition with China. The “National Security Strategy” was published in December 2017. At that time, according to the “Military Balance 2018,” published by the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, the US defence budget was $603 billion compared with China’s $150 billion. However, from an economic perspective, according to the International Monetary Fund’s World Economic Outlook Database for 2018, US GDP was at $19.39 trillion, compared with China’s $12.24 trillion.  Compared with the defense budget, the economic gap is narrow. And technologically, according to UNESCO Institute for Statistics figures published in 2018, the US invested $476 billion for research and development and China invested $370 billion. That gap is very small. If the US acts now, it will have the advantage over China. But without such efforts, there is a possibility that US advantages will decline one by one.

II. The Role of Japan, India, and Australia

Three policies toward China

What should Japan, India, and Australia do in dealing with China? In short, they should do the opposite of what China wants. First, if China ignores current international law, other countries should uphold the law strongly and refuse China’s new territorial claims. For example, the US and Australia have already refused China’s territorial claim in the South

China Sea. Second, Japan, India, and Australia need to fill the power vacuum militarily by increasing their military expenditures. Infrastructure cooperation to build strategic road projects is also useful. And these countries should also support countries, including Vietnam, Philippines and Taiwan, that face Chinese intimidation. Third, Japan, India, and Australia should continue to enhance security cooperation with the US and other like-minded countries.

III. How should Japan, India, and Australia cooperate with the US?

Currently, the US is requesting cooperation from Japan, India and Australia, both militarily and economically. Militarily, the US wants these partner countries to share the security burden by increasing their defense budgets, participating in military activities and importing American weapons. Economically, the US is requesting that Japan, India, and Australia adopt the same tough policies against China. For example, when the US banned the products of Huawei and ZTE, it asked US allies and friendly countries to do the same. Japan and Australia have already banned such products. And India has banned more than 100 apps made in China, including TikTok. The US is also requesting that its allies impose sanctions against government officials and companies that trade with China. For example, the US asked Canada to arrest executives of Huawei.

Japan, India and Australia should not think of this as a burden but a chance. To deal with China, these countries need to fill the regional power vacuum. The US request for increased military spending is not only in the US interest, but in the interest of Japan, India and Australia. Recently, Japan decided to purchase limited offensive capabilities, including small aircraft carriers, F-35 stealth fighter jets and stand-off weapons. India is importing airlift equipment such as heavy and middle transport planes, heavy transport helicopters and air-liftable howitzers from the US in order to establish air-mobile offensive capability against China. Australia also recently published its plan to possess long-range strike capabilities. These offensive capabilities will give these countries more flexible choices when they need to deal with China.

Economic requests are more complicated because China is the first or second-rated trading partner for Japan, India and Australia. However, if Japan, India and Australia depend too heavily on trade with China, the economies of these countries will be like passengers of a sinking ship. Therefore, decoupling or risk diversifying is necessary. Indeed, Japan has already begun to do so. Because Japan has relocated its factories from China to Southeast Asia and South Asia, the number of Japanese citizens living in China has decreased from 150,399 in 2012 to 120,076 in 2018. At the same time, the number of Japanese living in the US has increased from 410,973 in 2012 to 446,925 in 2018. In addition, Japan earmarked $2.2 billion of its record economic stimulus package to help local manufacturers shift production out of China in April 2020. That same month, India adopted a new rule which requires prior government approval on foreign direct investment from the countries that share a land border with it, to deter opportunistic acquisitions.

China’s aggressive territorial expansion spurred the US to take a tough stance toward it. And US allies like Japan, India and Australia need to reevaluate their role. The security situation will demand that these three countries make drastic changes. This will also give them an opportunity to cooperate more deeply with the US and to form a new partnership. Now is the time for the “Quad” to do so.

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