Strategic Challenges
India, with its intricate web of relations with both countries, finds itself in a complex and delicate position, balancing its defense and security partnerships with Israel and Iran. This delicate balance is exemplified by the India-Israel Innovation Initiative (I2U2), a joint investment plan in critical sectors. Over the past decade, deepening defense and security partnerships with Israel have been a strategic move for India. Simultaneously, India has maintained its relationship with Iran, particularly regarding economic and energy interests. The Chabahar port project mainly showcases India’s efforts to bypass Pakistan and secure access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Likewise, there are blooming concerns regarding the advancement of the India-Middle-East Economic Corridor (IMEC), which was publicized during the G20 summit in New Delhi in September 2023, would facilitate trade between India and the Middle East, and a rail link was envisaged from the Arabian Sea ports to Haifa port in Israel. However, the ongoing conflict threatens to disrupt this delicate balance, potentially leading to a complete reevaluation and even dissolution of India’s strategic partnerships and connectivity projects.

Energy & Economic Instability
India has vast and significant energy reliance and interests concerning the Gulf region and, at this time, faces an immediate threat due to its heavy dependence on oil imports. Iran’s geographical position grants it leverage over vital maritime chokepoints, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which is also known as the Gate of Tears which is crucial for various energy, LNG, crude oil, and trade with Africa and Europe. The Strait of Hormuz, which connects the Indian Ocean to the Persian Gulf, is a gateway for oil shipments from significant producers such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates. The narrow strategic passages are controlled by Iran, which is essential for India’s trade. Indian cargo shipments passing through these routes may face heightened risks due to regional instability arising from regional conflicts. Because of this, the shipping companies would opt for other routes and ways that might be longer, which would not just disrupt the trading activities and supply chains but also be expensive, increasing the operational costs for India. In addition, Iran’s ability to disrupt or block this crucial maritime route directly threatens India’s energy security, potentially leading to severe and immediate supply shortages and price fluctuations in the domestic market. Given that India imports over 80% of its crude oil from West Asia, any escalation in the conflict could exacerbate India’s energy security concerns, increasing oil prices and creating economic instability. Any disruption or challenges around these chokepoints could severely and immediately impact India’s energy security and financial stability, posing a grave and immediate risk that cannot be ignored.

Security Concerns
That said, this war could heighten India’s security concerns as well because it will increase hostility and destabilize the Middle Eastern region. This could not just pose direct threats to Indian nationals in Iran and Israel but also to India’s need to reevaluate its security strategies, considering the instability in the region, which could impact India’s security. War could draw in other major powers, and the involvement of the major powers creates more instability. The US has traditionally supported Israel, while Iran has closer ties with China and Russia, and this conflict could add more intricacies to the region, which could spill over into neighboring areas, including South Asia, affecting India’s security environment. It is also important to note that war has often accelerated the rise of extremism and terrorism, which could have long-term potential spillover effects as groups aligned with either Iran or Israel could target India because of the discontent with the Indian stance in the crisis.

Diplomatic Issues
Lastly, India has maintained good relationships with both Iran and Israel; however, it could be severely tested at this time. The continuing hostility and war could force India to take sides. This could affect regional alliances and power structures, impacting India’s long-term diplomatic relations. India has significant relationships and interests associated with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, which include Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). With the presence of ongoing war, India is in a difficult position because India’s steps, actions, or choices could strain India’s relationship with either party, which could severely impact its defense, security, strategic, economic, or geopolitical interests. Hence, maintaining interest while maintaining the balance is a diplomatic challenge for India.

Policy Recommendations
Though numerous challenges exist on multiple fronts, India’s diplomatic stance is essential in navigating those challenges while maintaining a stable relationship with all parties. Currently, India is actively engaging with both Iran and Israel, expressing its concerns over the escalation of hostilities and emphasizing the importance of immediate de-escalation. The various Indian interests in the region underscore the need for careful diplomacy to safeguard its national interests. It is necessary to mitigate the risks and uphold its national interests amidst escalating tensions. The Ministry of External Affairs has expressed grave concern over the escalation of hostilities and emphasized the importance of immediate de-escalation. The various Indian interests in the region underscore the need for careful diplomacy to safeguard its national interests.

Engagement with Regional Stakeholders
With its track record of mediation and conflict resolution, India could facilitate talks between conflicting parties while navigating some essential interests. Strengthening its strategic partnerships with key regional players and engaging in collaborative efforts with Gulf countries and other regional stakeholders could bolster India’s resilience in overcoming potential challenges in multifaceted domains. Maintaining open communication for mediation and negotiation could significantly reduce regional tensions. In addition, multilateral forums such as the United Nations, Arab Council for Regional Integration, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), which is often involved in resolving conflicts disputes in Muslim work, can work together with India for resolution and adherence to international law.

Energy Diversification
Given the instability in the Middle East region and the immediate threat to India’s energy security, India must accelerate its efforts to diversify its energy sources and reduce its dependence on oil and energy imports. Investing in renewable energy projects and energy efficiency with alternative suppliers can secure India’s energy interests, maintain the trading stream, and increase resilience to external shocks. This is not just a long-term strategy but an urgent necessity to mitigate the immediate risks of the Middle Eastern crisis.

In conclusion, the Middle Eastern conflict poses a significant challenge to India’s interests, peace, stability, and the rest of the world. It is an opportunity for India to actively act as a mediator to foster stability and dialogue in the Middle Eastern region and assert its leadership on the global stage. This can safeguard India’s economic interests, strategic agility, diplomatic understanding as well as the collective security of the international community. However, the road ahead remains uncertain, requiring India to tread carefully while staying true to its principles and interests.

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Cost Ratios. The second aspect is the skewed ratio between cost to the attacker and defender. One Shahid drone costs about $10,000. Hence, Iran spent about $3.5 million on its attack, whereas, Israel had to fire off over $1.3 billion worth of anti-ballistic missiles, Patriots, MR SAMs and Iron Domes in just one night. This attack was with around 320 drones/ missiles. What if the next attack comes with 1,500 drones/ missiles and more? Iran claims that it has not yet used its hypersonic Fateh missiles in the last attack.

Iran’s Escalation Management and Control. Viewed in hindsight, Iran has shown tremendous strategic patience and ability to exercise escalation control. It has delivered a potent, strategic message of deterrence. “Pile up all the layers of air defence, get the US, British and French to help you with 200 fighters, but the simple fact is, that we will get through.” That was the essence of Iran’s deterrence message. It is said that Iran had sent signals to USA via UAE and intelligence channels that it was not interested in any further escalation that would involve the United States. Its sovereignty had been blatantly violated and under Article 51 of the UN Charter, it would exercise its right to retaliate. Yet it gave adequate notice to prevent uncontrolled escalation. It took 13 days to respond. It hit only three military targets. There were no attacks on civilian targets or infrastructure. It virtually sabotaged the military success of its own attack by this virtue signaling, but that did enable escalation control and dominance. It sent a clear deterrent message via the missile strikes that got through the very dense and layered air defences. It sent a clear message that it could and would get through, and not tolerate any violation of its sovereignty.

American Escalation Control Measures

For its part, the United States seemed equally keen that the issue should not escalate to a regional war. There was no way Iran could prevail in any conflict with US and Israel. However, it was capable of inflicting serious damage and pain.

It could hit Israel and the oil fields in the Middle East, it could block the Strait of Hormuz and send oil prices skyrocketing giving a big hit to the global economy. The US was in an election year and President Biden could not afford a rise in price of oil that would affect transportation costs and increase not only prices of fuel but also increase prices of food triggering an inflationary spiral.

The US strategic reserve of oil itself was down to just 17 days. The US interest would not be served by any escalation in the Middle East. As such, the US efforts were to put psychological pressure on Iran.

It sent back a second carrier battle group to the Mediterranean. It sent in General Korella, Chief of the US Central Command to coordinate missile defense measures. It tried to force Iran to recalibrate costs and limit or scale down its options.

READ MORE: ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR – Hamas Leadership, Setup and Capabilities

When all this dissuasion failed and Iran fired off three salvos of some 320 drones and missiles, both the US and Israel were surprised at the scale of this attack. However, due to ample warning and preparation time, the US theater ballistic missile defence grid and Israel’s formidable air defences were able to shoot down 97 to 98 per cent of the incoming projectiles.

The US and Western media now tried to entirely play down effectiveness of the attack. The fact was that drones were just decoys. The ballistic missiles had successfully penetrated the three most well -defended targets on planet Earth.

The US and Israel tried to play down the attack as a damn squib. The US intentions seemed to be to stop Israel from escalating by any significant retaliation. Joe Biden even suggested that it was a defensive victory for Israel and they should leave it at that.

He even suggested that should Israel go for serious retaliation, it would have to do it alone and the US would not take part. However, it was evident that due to the pressure of domestic politics, Netanyahu would simply have to respond in some way. The US tried to find a way out by suggesting to Iran that Israel would just mount a token strike and it should not escalate further.

Iran’s reaction was sharp. It was determined to react in a major way, whatever the scale of the provocation, it said. Attacks on its territory were simply not acceptable and Iran wanted no part in any dumb charade or fixed match. In many ways, the situation had closed parallels with the India-Pakistan post-Pulwama scenario. India simply had to retaliate to the terror strike but was keen to do it in a manner that would prevent a sharp escalation, maybe even to the nuclear level. Iran has rejected any suggestion that it permit Israel the luxury of a token strike. Netanyahu has been under major pressure from the United States and the Western allies not to escalate. However, the key factor was domestic political pressure that did force Netanyahu to do something, perhaps, more than tokenism.

Scott Ritter says it was a political and not a military decision. The Israeli war cabinet was split with three voting members against it while the hardliners were all for a massive response on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Netenyahu was under tremendous pressure from US and other Western allies to eschew a response or go in for tokenism. It is said that for 48 hours he refused to take any calls.

So, what could have been Israel’s response options and how would the escalatory spiral unfold? That was the key issue in the looming global crisis. Could an escalatory spiral be managed? What were the off-ramps for Iran?

Matrix of Israeli Response Options. Let us now examine what was the matrix of Israeli response options to Iran’s very massive missiles strike. For a long time, Israel had viewed Iran’s nascent nuclear capability as an existential threat. It was very keen to do an Osirak redux, that is, repeat its attack on Iraq’s nuclear reactor with Iran. The problem in that was that to mount a credible and effective attack, it needed United States support in terms of satellite imagery, US air-to-air refueling aircraft, US help in getting permissions to overfly Iraq, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. It is doubtful if Iran could inflict any meaningful damage in a purely stand-alone mode. Even that was likely to provoke a regional war. As was evident, it is easy to start wars, far more difficult to end them.

So what then was the matrix of Israeli overt response options?

• Option One. Attack Nuclear Facilities of Iran. Iran has five major nuclear enrichment facilities at Natanz, Arak, Faradeh, Isfahan and Bordei. The main facility at Natanz is well dug in and is in a steep valley in the Zagros mountains, which is very difficult to attack. Ishfahan is the main nuclear processing centre. Israel’s options were to use the Jericho missiles or the F -35 or the F -15E fighters. These would of course need air-to-air refueling and they could possibly have attacked with stand-off cruise missiles and deep penetration retarder bombs that could pierce underground bunkers, (joint direct attack munitions). Iran had fairly good S-300 Russian SAMs based air defences and the F-35 or F-15E would definitely take some losses. Maj Gen Ahmed Hagatalab of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps in charge of defending Iran’s nuclear facilities, had publicly warned that if Israel hit these, Iran would retaliate and target Israel’s nuclear facilities.

• Option Two. Attack Ballistic Missile Production Facilities. So far Israel regarded the nascent nuclear facilities of Iran as an existential threat. The Israeli military spokesman, Adm Daniel Hagare conceded that they had underestimated Iran’s ballistic missiles capability. This was in fact a real and present danger. Their storage facilities are in deep underground bunkers that would be difficult to attack, but the production centers could be targeted and one of them was, in Isfahan.

• Option Three. IRGC Headquarters Bases. The most logical target system would be the IRGC, that is the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Headquarters, barracks, bunkers and weapons storage facilities. It would be the most justifiable target system in Iran.

• Option Four. Iran’s Petrochemical Facilities and Export Terminals. Iran’s oil exports provided the financial support to build huge missile arsenals and fund a proxy war against Israel via the Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthis and the Shia militias in Iraq and Iran. Iran’s war waging capabilities could be seriously hit if its oil export sector was targeted. There were the main ports at Bandar Abbas, etc, which could be primary targets in such an attack.

These were the main overt military options for Israel to strike in response to the Iranian military strike of 13 April. They could also use electromagnetic bombs to create EMP or electromagnetic pulses to fry up electronic circuits and destroy command control and communications in the critical areas. There were also media reports circulated that if Israel had to go it alone, it would seek air bases in Aizerbaijan to hit Iran from the north unexpected direction.

Covert Options. Given the tremendous US pressure on Israel to prevent escalation, Israel would most likely have to resort to a significant offensive against Hezbollah but confine the attacks in Iran to the covert level only. These would include possibly terrorist attacks by Baluch and Kurd insurgents, use of cyber warfare or (Stutnex redux) or use drones to strike these targets. Israel could also carry out covert action to destabilize and overthrow the Iran regime of the Ayatollahs but that would have to be a long-term covert action project in concert with the CIA. These could be the precise response options that could obviate Iranian retaliation and triggering a major escalatory spiral in the Middle East. Oil prices were already at $90 a barrel. A full-scale Iran-Israel war in the Middle East could send the oil prices skyrocketing through the roof and create a global economic crisis of major proportions That was in no one’s interest.

Israel’s Response Strike on 18 April. Israel mounted its counter-attack finally on 18 April, just five days after Iran’s missile strike. There was a lot of ambiguity and disinformation let lose in the media. The Israelis did not announce that they had carried out an attack, but explosions were reported in the sky over Isfahan. The Iranians equally seemed keen to play down the scale of the Israeli attacks. They said that a number of drones, (hand-held quad-copters of very limited range) had been seen flying over Tabriz and over Isfahan. Why Isfahan? Isfahan is the home base of the Iranian F-14 Tomcat fighter-bomber squadrons. It is also the home base of an Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps unit. It has an S-300 missile battery and reportedly also production facilities for missiles and drones. The targets that the Israelis actually struck was the S-300 missile battery and they claim to have damaged one of its radars that are used for fire control. Next day, pictures in the US media indicated that satellite surveillance had picked up the destruction of one of the Iranian radars in the S-300 missile battery which was struck by the drones. When Iran was quite clear that there had been no missile, oblique, cruise missile strikes or fighter-bomber attacks and it had been confined merely to hand-held drones, it seemed to relax and opened its air space which it had closed earlier. Similar small drone attacks had been done by the Ukrainian intelligence agents from the vicinity of Moscow with hand-held drones to strike some targets, largely for psychological impact. This was the precise, very limited nature of the Israeli response option and Iran seemed to be quite relieved. They played it down totally, and in fact, the Iranian foreign minister went to the extent of retorting to reporters, “What strike? What attack?” They said these were just infiltrators who had come in with handheld quadcopters and tried to launch them to create a media event. They understood that Israel was under tremendous pressure from the United States and the Western allies not to respond in a major way, and it had refrained from such a major provocation. So Iran has been very cautious and very pragmatic. It refused to get drawn in, refused to escalate, and for the time being, the crisis in the Middle East seems to have been averted. How long that will hold is a matter of conjecture and we will have to wait and watch.

READ MORE : ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR – Hamas Ideology and Gaza Politics

India’s Response Options. The simple fact is, what can India do? Like the rest of the world, a major conflict in the Middle East would considerably harm India’s interests. Any oil shock can have a major negative impact on the Indian economy. India has very friendly relations with both Israel and Iran and as such it would be very well placed if it has to play a mediatory role. I am not sure what mediatory role has so far been played behind the scenes, but I do not see any overt evidence of India taking such an initiative, (though we did have talks with Iran to get our crew released from the ship that the Iranian Navy had hijacked in the Red Sea). We will have to keenly wait and watch as to how events unfold in the Middle East. For the time being the world has pulled back from the brink of a disaster. From a military analyst point of view, we have a new form of war which is now fairly well established in all the battles that we have seen recently, whether in the Russia-Ukraine war or in the Middle East. The emphasis is shifting primarily to missile and drone strikes rather than manned air strikes. I would again like to reiterate that China was first off the starter blocks to create a Rocket Force after Gulf War I and II. It had feverishly started the construction of its Strategic Rocket Force as far back as the 1990s. It now has the biggest rocket arsenal in the world. It has also invested very heavily in drones of all shape and sizes. Therefore, we will have to study in very great detail the Iran-Israel missile clash and draw very pertinent lessons for our own context. Specifically, we will have to re-examine how much emphasis is to be put on manned air forces and how much onto the unmanned drones and missiles. The balance increasingly seems to be shifting in favour of drone and ballistic missile arsenals coupled with cruise missiles. We will have to gear up our military-industrial complex to churn out these drones/missiles in very large numbers to cater for intensive firing rates in actual combat. The Iran missile strike had deliberately been pared down for minimal impact to tamp down chances of escalation. A purposeful and destructive strike would have required some 1,500 drones and missiles for a similar target set. The accuracy and lethality of such unmanned systems is rising exponentially and Iran has just demonstrated their ability to penetrate even the densest Ballistic Missile Defenses (BMD). We are living through a new Revolution in Military Affairs. Pakistan is still stuck largely with its F-16s for retaliation. It is China that we will have to watch closely and match in numbers, throw-weight, accuracy and ability to penetrate dense AD environments.

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The Indian Air Force (IAF) and the Indian Army (IA) ordered 10 Heron Mk2 drones from  IAI in early 2021 under emergency procurement power granted to the armed forces following the PLA’s incursion across the LAC into India-claimed territory starting February 2020.

The initial plan was reported to lease the drones for three years, but later a decision was taken to purchase them outright.

Heron Mk2 is an upgraded variant of the Heron drones already in service with the IA & the IAF.

Fitted with a Rotax 916 iS engine, the Heron MK II can reach an altitude of 35,000 feet, a maximum speed of 140 knots, and remain in the air for 45 consecutive hours.

Due to improved manufacturing technologies, the Heron MK II has a broader and stronger body structure, allowing quick and easy maintenance without adding weight.

In comparison, MTOW for Heron drones already in service in India is 1,270 kilograms, and the payload weight is 470 kilograms. The length, wingspan dimensions, and other specifications of the two drones are similar.

The Heron Mk2 features better radio, radar, and optical sensors giving it better stand-off capability than its predecessor. The Mk2 can look and listen deep into adversary territory without crossing the border or putting itself in harm’s way of adversary air defenses.

The Mk2 can be configured with different payloads depending on the assigned role.

Eventually, the goal is to weaponize the Indian Heron fleet with locally manufactured precision-guided munitions.

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During this visit, a deal will be finalized between Israel and Vietnam for three batteries of the Barak 8 missile system. The value of this deal is being estimated at Rs 50 crore. The delegation will be led by the Deputy Commander of the Vietnam People’s Air Force as well as the Chief of Air Defense. Vietnam is already using the Spyder air-defense system manufactured by Israel.

The Barak 8 system is designed to protect against a variety of threats, including airplanes, helicopters, drones, cruise missiles and anti-ship missiles. It can be deployed on land or at sea.

Israel, India made Barak 8 missile

The Barak 8 missile is jointly made by Israel and India. Its range is said to be 70 km. The missile has been jointly designed by Israel Aerospace Industries and India’s Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO).

Barak 8 has been jointly manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited, Bharat Electronics Limited and Rafael Advanced Defense Limited. Since 2016, this missile is deployed in the army of three countries.

The Barak 8 missile is already deployed in the Indian Army, Indian Air Force (IAF) and Indian Navy. Apart from this, the Israeli Navy and Azerbaijan’s Air Force also use this missile.

 Tension between Israeli companies over Vietnam

Vietnam’s interest in Israel Aerospace Industries’ Barak Systems is troubling news for another Israeli defense company, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems. In fact, in 2015, Vietnam bought Rafale’s Spyder air-defense system for $600 million. It is considered the largest military deal ever between Israel and Vietnam.

Rafale has recently been in talks to buy three more Spyder systems from Vietnam, but according to Vietnamese sources, the government there is unhappy with Rafale. That is why Vietnam has decided to give priority to Israel Aerospace Industries.

 Vietnam buying weapons worth billions from Israel

The population of Vietnam is around 100 million. For the past 15 years, Vietnam has been buying weapons from Israeli companies. According to an estimate, Vietnam has purchased weapons worth $ 1.5 billion from Israel. Israel’s Elbit Systems has sold $60 million worth of command-and-control systems and $30 million worth of cyber and communications equipment to the Vietnamese Navy.

Israel Aerospace Industries has sold three Heron drone systems to Vietnam for approximately $14 million. Its Alta subsidiary has sold Radar to Vietnam for $150 million, while Ramta has sold 60 armored vehicles for $20 million.

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The American predator drone deal was put on hold and a committee headed by a Lieutenant General was asked to review the entire deal which was coming out to be very expensive at around USD 4.5 billion for 30 drones.

“With the deal not moving ahead and almost all import cases being put on hold, we are now considering an armed UAV developed by an Indian private defence firm along with an Israeli defence manufacturer,” top government sources told ANI.

The Indian firm’s contribution to the project is as per the Make in India norms prescribed by the government for the products to qualify for being considered by the defence forces, they said.

As per the initial plans, India was planning to acquire 30 American Predator high-altitude long-endurance drones equipped with strike capability, including missiles, which were to be equally distributed among the three services.

Sources said the three services have requirements for these armed drones which can be used for surveillance as well as attacking enemy targets from standoff distances.

Almost all the defence deals planned through the import route had either been scrapped or put on hold by the Defence Ministry on the directions of the Prime Minister’s Office in favour of indigenous weapon systems.

India is operating two predator drones which were hired on lease from an American firm and they have been helping the Navy to keep track of activities in the Indian Ocean Region.

India has acquired 12 American P-8I anti-submarine warfare and surveillance planes for keeping an eye on the IOR and was working on getting six more of these planes. However, after the government’s instructions on import programmes, the government would soon decide on the project too shortly.

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India and Israel, on 2 June, signed a ‘vision Statement’ to further deepen the long-standing defence cooperation. This was adopted at a meeting between Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his visiting Israeli counterpart Benny Gantz.

India is an industrial superpower and Israel is a technological superpower – cooperation between our countries will expand the capabilities of both countries to contend with developing challenges, Gantz said.

“The two Ministers presented a joint declaration marking 30 years of Israel-India relations and reiterated their commitment to deepening defence ties,” a statement from Gantz’s office said. “India and Israel share similar and common challenges, including border security and fighting terrorism. By working together, we may increase our capabilities and ensure the security and economic interests of both countries,” Gantz said.

A Letter of Intent on enhancing cooperation in the field of futuristic defence technologies was also exchanged between the two Ministers, a Defence Ministry statement said.

The discussion covered topics including strategic global challenges, military cooperation, defence industrial cooperation and joint Research and Development (R&D). They also discussed a cooperation agreement signed between the Indian Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Israel’s Directorate for Defence R&D, which will enable the expansion of technological collaboration and development between the countries.

The Ministers declared their intention to further develop defence cooperation in a manner that harnesses Israel’s “technological advance and operational experience”, together with India’s “extraordinary development and production capabilities”, the statement said.

In addition, the Ministers discussed partnerships within the government-to-government framework, military training, and technological cooperation with a focus on Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) and defensive capabilities, the statement added.

10-year Roadmap

In October 2021, India and Israel had agreed to form a task force to formulate a comprehensive 10-year roadmap to identify new areas of cooperation as part of efforts to further advance the bilateral defence cooperation. This was agreed at the 15th India-Israel Joint Working Group (JWG) meeting on bilateral defence cooperation held on October 27, 2021 in Tel Aviv, Israel, the Defence Ministry had stated. The JWG is the apex body between the Defence Ministries of the two countries to comprehensively review and guide all aspects of bilateral defence cooperation.

At the same meeting, it was also decided to form a Sub Working Groups (SWG) on defence industry cooperation and in this regard, a Terms of Reference was signed between the two sides. The SWG would enable efficient utilisation of bilateral resources, effective flow of technologies and sharing industrial capabilities, the Ministry had stated.

Overview of Defence Cooperation and Trade

India, since 2017, has also become a strategic partner and a co-producer of Israeli weapons. Over the past five years, both countries have conducted joint military drills and hosted police and army training and exchange visits.

The India-Israel relationship has grown significantly over the last 30 years especially in the field of missiles, radars, electronic warfare systems and other weapons and equipment.

But it hasn’t always been this way. Until 1992, India did not have diplomatic relations with Israel.  Now, India and Israel have inked separate deals worth around $3 billion over the last four to five years for advanced surface-to-air missile systems for the three Services.

Israel provided India with weapons in 1962 and then in 1965 in the wars against China and Pakistan. By the early 1970s, the Indian military establishment was impressed by and enamoured with Israeli technology.

The first purchases India made from Israel were two Super Dvora Mk II fast patrol boats in the mid-1990s.

Soon New Delhi began importing high-end defence equipment, including Israeli Searcher and Heron unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and armed drones, missile systems, and sensors and electro-optical systems or Tavor assault weapons used by Indian Special Forces in Indian-occupied Kashmir.

Following several interactions between military leaders in the early 1990s, India agreed to assign a defence attache to Tel Aviv in 1995.

In 1999, Israel provided India with urgent assistance in its war with Pakistan, a move that established Israel as a reliable military partner.

Between 1997 and 2000, 15 percent of all Israeli arms exports travelled to India. By the mid-2000s, this had increased to 27 percent, with India broadening its range of purchases, such as surveillance equipment, drones and surface-to-air-missiles. Between 2000 and 2010, India spent around $10bn on Israeli arms.

Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi entered office in 2014, around 42.1 percent of all arms exports from Israel have landed in India.

Between 2014 and 2021, India received combat aircraft radar equipment, armed UAVs, anti-tank missiles and surface-to-air missiles, among other hardware from Israel. The Indian military is reportedly in possession of 108 Israeli Searcher drones and 68 unarmed Heron 1s. It also has several Harpy drones – also known as suicide attack drones.

Just as the Covid-19 pandemic began in early 2020, Modi’s government ordered 16,479 Negev light machine guns, sparking outrage among some Indian activists.

In its “surgical strikes” on Pakistan in 2019, India used Israeli-made “Spice 2000” bombs.

In 2021, during the standoff with China, India leased and finally bought four Heron-TP Medium Altitude Long Endurance UAVs from Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI).

According to Sipri, weapons deliveries to India from Israel increased by 175 percent between 2015 and 2019. Meanwhile, Israeli arms exports increased 19 percent between 2012-16 and 2017-2021. Its own spending on arms increased by 3.1 percent.

Co-production of Arms

India has worked with Israel in co-producing weapons. In 2017, Israel Weapons Industries and Indian construction company Punj Lloyd created the first private small arms factory in Malanpur, under the name Punj Lloyd Raksha Systems, or PLR Systems.

According to PLR Systems, also a joint venture with Adani Group and the SK Group, the factory produces the Tavor Assault Rifle, X95 Assault Rifle, Galil Sniper Rifle, Negev Light Machine Gun and the Uzi Sub Machine Gun used by the Indian military, including Indian Special Forces.

Later in 2017, Kalyani Rafael Advanced Systems Ltd (KRAS), a joint venture between India’s Kalyani Strategic Systems Ltd and Israel’s Rafael Advanced Systems, began manufacturing Spike anti-tank guided missiles for the Indian army.

It was the first private company to produce missiles in India.

In 2019, KRAS received an order of $100m to produce the Barak-8, a long-range surface-to-air missile, for the Indian navy.

In late 2021, the military ordered Skystriker drones. This will now be produced in a joint venture between Israel’s Elbit Systems and India’s Adani-owned Alpha Design Technologies.

Major Arms Supplier

Israel has been one of India’s top defence partners supplying a range of high end defence equipment. Indian armed forces rely heavily on Israeli Searcher and Heron UAVs to meet their surveillance requirements with growing need for more. In the backdrop of the standoff with China in eastern Ladakh, last year the Army had leased four Heron-TP Medium Altitude Long Endurance UAVs from Israel Aircraft Industries which have since been inducted.

The two countries have several joint development projects in the pipeline, including the Long Range Surface to Air Missile also called Barak-8 for the Indian Navy’s warships. The development which saw some delays is now complete and the missile systems are being inducted.

In another important project, in April, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited entered into a memorandum of understanding with IAI to convert six Boeing-767 civil passenger aircraft to midair refuelling aircraft in India for the Indian Air Force.

However, another major deal for two more Phalcon Airborne Warning And Control Systems (AWACS), to add to three in Service, has been stuck for a while for final approval from the Cabinet Committee on Security. With the current focus on indigenous manufacturing and DRDO now indigenously developing larger AWACS, the Phalcon is unlikely to materialise.

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Both the rounds of the army variant of the missile were test-fired from the launching complex – III of the Integrated Test Range (ITR) at Chandipur as part of the live firing trials against high-speed aerial targets.

The network-centric and most advanced sleek missile has been developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) in collaboration with public and private sector enterprises.

Defence sources said the MRSAM-Army system intercepted unmanned aerial vehicles and destroyed them completely achieving direct hits at both long and short ranges. The missile intercepted the target in medium altitude at long range during the first trial and destroyed another target in low altitude at short range during second trial.

The flight tests were carried out by DRDO in the presence of senior officials of Indian Army. The performance of the weapon system was validated through the flight data captured by range instruments like radars, electro-optical tracking systems and telemetry deployed by the ITR.

“All mission parameters were successfully met and Indian missile components validated. The tests are major milestones in achieving the idea of Aatmanirbhar Bharat,” said DRDO Chairman Dr G Satheesh Reddy.

With a strike range of nearly 100 km, the 4.5-meter long supersonic quick reaction missile weighs around 2.7 tonne and can carry a payload of 60 kg. Travelling at a speed of Mach 2, it can achieve high degrees of manoeuvrability at the terminal phase.

Each MRSAM unit comprises one command and control system, multi functional surveillance tracking radar, threat alert radar, mobile launcher, combat management system, mobile power and radar power systems apart from the missile.

The next generation weapon system has been developed with cutting-edge technology to neutralise airborne threats like jets, subsonic and supersonic cruise missiles, anti tank systems and rockets.

One of the variants of MRSAM system has already been handed over to Indian Air Force (IAF). The missile is designed to provide point and area air defence for ground assets against a wide range of threats.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh congratulated DRDO, Indian Army and the Industry for the successful flight tests of MRSAM-Army. He said both the tests established the capability of the weapon system in intercepting targets at critical ranges.

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In the coming weeks, Israel’s ministries of foreign affairs, defence and health will lead an unprecedented anti-COVID-19 cooperation operation between India and Israel, an Israel Embassy statement said.

A special planned flight from Tel Aviv to New Delhi is set to carry a high ranking Israeli defence ministry research and development team which has been working with India’s chief scientist K VijayRaghavan and Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) to develop rapid testing for COVID-19 in under 30 seconds, it said.

Merging Israeli technology with Indian development and production capabilities aims to allow a swift resumption of normal life alongside the virus, the Israeli Embassy said.

The flight will also bring breakthrough emerging Israeli technologies for combatting COVID-19, which have been donated by Israel’s foreign ministry and private sector meant to bolster India’s response to the outbreak.

“Finally, the plane will deliver mechanical ventilators which were given special permission by the Government of Israel for export to India,” the statement said.

Since the outbreak of the global pandemic, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi have held three telephonic conversations in which they promised mutual assistance in dealing with the virus and committed to joint technological and scientific research between the countries, the statement said.

Noting that India is currently facing over one million COVID-19 positive cases, the Israeli side said India seeks to integrate advanced technologies in its hospitals as they prepare to treat massive waves of COVID-19 patients on an Indian scale.

The Israeli companies chosen by the three ministries to be sent to India are potentially given unique access to one of the largest economies in the world to provide monitoring and treatment technologies while significantly reducing contact between patients and medical staff, the statement said.

By opening the door to India’s market with its development and production capabilities, these Israeli technologies can be mass produced at a lower cost and could in future be jointly exported to third countries, it said.

At the outbreak of COVID-19 in Israel, India gave Israel special authorization to acquire medicine, masks and protective gear, the embassy noted.

Israeli Ambassador to India Ron Malka said, “I am proud to lead this Israeli delegation to India. It is at times like this that our friendship is tested, and the State of Israel is happy to lend a helping hand to India in this complicated and difficult time.”

India and Israel’s military R&D cooperation is well known for its success, he added.

“I have no doubt the same will be seen in the private sector joined by brilliant scientific minds from both countries to introduce a breakthrough in swift and simple testing procedures.” Malka said.

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The Spike order will be a repeat order for 12 launchers and around 250 missiles under emergency procurement, the source stated. Last year, the Army procured 12 launchers and around 250 missiles from Israel under the new financial powers for emergency procurements sanctioned by the Defence Ministry after the Balakot air strike.

According to the manufacturer, Rafael Advanced Defence Systems, the Spike LR is a 4th Gen missile, which can engage a target with precision at ranges up to 4 km.

Under the new emergency powers, armed forces were given a free hand to procure equipment worth up to Rs 300 crore on a priority basis with deliveries stipulated to be completed in three months but extendable up to six months. Entirely new systems not in use were also allowed to be procured under the new powers last year. Under a Rs 700 crore deal in February 2019 with Sig Sauer of the U.S., the Army procured 72,400 SIG-716 assault rifles which have been provided to frontline troops involved in counter-insurgency operations. The remaining demand for assault rifles was to be met through the licence manufacture of Russian AK-203 rifles in India through a joint venture. However, the final deal has been stuck over the issue of pricing. An in-principle decision has been taken to place a repeat order and it is being processed, the source stated.
The Army has a much larger requirement for ATGMs which will be met through indigenous Man Portable ATGM under development by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) after an earlier tender was cancelled.

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The agreement was signed on 15 July, between the Director-General of Israel’s National Cyber Directorate (INCD), Yigal Unna, and India’s Ambassador to Israel, Sanjeev Singla.

“Deepening cooperation with India is another important step in confronting global cyber threats,” Unna said.

“The accelerated digitisation processes that accompany the enormous challenge of dealing with the COVID-19 epidemic and the increase in threats in cyberspace bring with them challenges and the need to quickly build protected services and systems,” Unna told after signing the agreement.

“Israel can contribute from its experience and can benefit from the vast experience gained in India in dealing with cyber attacks,” he added.

Announcing the signing of the MoU on operational collaboration in cyber security, the Indian embassy’s twitter handle described it as a “new normal” in “staying the course and reaching newer heights together”.

“Cyber security is a growing and natural area of close cooperation between India and Israel. It has been emphasised strongly by our two Prime Ministers. And its relevance has been underscored by the latest COVID-19 pandemic,” Singla told .

The MoU signed between the Indian Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT), a unit of the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, and INCD deepens the operational cooperation between the two sides and will expand the scope of exchange of information on cyber threats in order to raise the levels of protection in the field.

The agreement lays down the framework for dialogue, cooperation in capacity building, mutual exchange of best practices in the field and facilitates regular exchanges.

Cyber security was identified as an important area of cooperation during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Israel in July 2017 and an agreement was signed between the two sides during Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to India the following year.

“India and Israel have been cooperating in the cyber field since January 2018, so a new agreement is another opportunity to reaffirm the mutual commitment between the two countries. Since the initial agreement, professional seminars have been held among industry and government officials and many reciprocal visits have taken place,” a press release by INCD said.

Several meetings have been held between the Indian and Israeli side since 2018 to strengthen cooperation in the field of cyber security.

Lt General (Retd) (Dr) Rajesh Pant, National Cyber Security Coordinator (NCSC) of India had also visited Israel to attend the Cyber Week in June 2019.

The last five months of global lockdown has witnessed the expanding scope of the digital world and in the process, it has also exposed the vulnerabilities of protecting vital national infrastructure from the threat of cyber attacks.

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