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While the Goa Maritime Conclave sought to project the Indian Navy’s cooperative engagement at the strategic-operational level, by providing a forum for the Chiefs-of-Navy and Heads of Maritime Agencies in the Indian Ocean Region, the IPRD, on the other hand, was the principal manifestation of the Navy’s international engagement at the strategic-level, addressing ‘holistic’ maritime security issues across the Indo-Pacific.

The first two editions of IPRD were held in 2018 and 2019 respectively at New Delhi.  IPRD 2020 was cancelled due to the Covid-19 outbreak. The third edition of IPRD was held in 2021 in online mode and the fourth edition was conducted, reverting to a physical format, at New Delhi in 2022.

Theme of IPRD-2023

The overarching theme of IPRD-2023 was “Geopolitical Impacts upon Indo-Pacific Maritime Trade and Connectivity”. This year’s edition of the IPRD built upon the previous one, which focussed upon ‘Operationalising the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI)’, by specifically addressing the ‘Trade, Connectivity and Maritime Transport’ pillar of the IPOI.

IPRD-2023 explored geopolitical impacts upon Indo-Pacific maritime trade and connectivity through six professional sessions spread over a three-day period. 

The sessions were:

Nodes of maritime connectivity;

China’s impact vis-à-vis maritime connectivity across the Indo-Pacific;

Maritime connectivity through shipping and trade;

Maritime connectivity through shipping and trade (Part 2);

Private industry in the safety and security of Indo-Pacific maritime trade and shipping; and

Maintaining a rules-based, safe, and secure Indo-Pacific.

Eminent speakers from 16 countries and representatives of the various embassies and high commissions attended and offered diverse regional perspectives on the subject.

Navy Chief’s Address

Speaking at the Indo-Pacific Regional dialogue organised by the Indian Navy, navy chief Admiral R Hari Kumar said that violations of established rules pose a danger to good order at sea. He described the security situation in the South China Sea as “fragile.” He warned that the region is the most militarised in the world and a “contestation” at sea can have adverse economic and social consequences.

“The fragile security situation in the South China Sea, in addition to the happenings of violations of established codes of conduct or confidence building measures, pose a clear and present danger to good order and discipline at sea,” Admiral Kumar said.

The comments were a rare direct reference to the situation in the South China sea and come at a time when China and Pakistan are undertaking large-scale naval drills in the Arabian Sea.

He said that more than 50 warships of extra regional forces are deployed in the Indian Ocean Region on various missions, including anti-piracy patrols off the Gulf of Aden and the wider Indo-Pacific has a significant naval presence, which can lead to confrontation and contestation.

“Owing to the increased presence of multinational forces, and differing interpretations of international laws, there is this fear that the region’s ‘global commons’ can change to ‘contested seas’,” he said. The navy chief added that this contestation at sea “can have adverse consequences for security-physical, social as well as economic”.

Admiral Kumar made a case for greater collaboration between nations in the maritime nation. “We are traversing through a contested present into an uncertain future. The future of global commons hinges on cooperative efforts of nations,” he said.

He said that cooperative or collaborative systems amongst like-minded maritime nations are essential for a stable future. He also made a strong case for developing interoperability and trust between nations, saying this requires a sustained and continued engagement.

Chinese Threat

China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) presents the greatest challenge to the Indian Navy in the Indo-Pacific region. The PLAN is supported by the China Coast Guard and the Chinese maritime militia in furthering Chinese national interest in the Indo-Pacific region.

China’s friendship with Pakistan is of concern as they together present a new challenge to India in the maritime domain. India considers the Indian Ocean region as the key to India’s security and also aims to build credibility in the Indo-Pacific.

The dispute over Taiwan and China’s aggressive posture in the South and East China Seas, and China’s rivalry with America for dominance in those waters has brought the Indo-Pacific region centrestage. China’s ‘grey zone’ operations against US maritime forces and its allies have further sharpened rivalries in the Indo-Pacific.

India’s Linkages with the Indo-Pacific

The Indian government’s has often enunciated a vision of a free, open, inclusive, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

The Indo-Pacific is the gateway to the Indian Ocean from the east with crucial trade and security implications. Hence its is of vital interest to India as also to ASEAN countries. India has linkages with many countries of southeast Asia and east Asia. The Indian Navy has been exercising with navies of the ASEAN region for many years. The Malabar series of exercises include participation by the United States navy and Japanese Self Defence Forces. Ther Indian Navy has exercised not only in the Bay of Bengal but in the western Pacific as well.

India’s ‘Look East’ policy was enunciated in the early 1990s, keeping in mind its maritime and security interests. The same has transformed into ‘Act East’ policy. In pursuit of this policy, the Indian Navy has engaged its counterparts in the Indo-Pacific by way of maritime military cooperation and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.

Piracy, maritime terrorism, maritime crimes like drug and human trafficking, are some of the other threats which the Indian Navy has to be deal with. Other non-traditional threats include climate change-induced sea-level rise and maritime pollution. State actors in particular are challenging the rules-based, liberal international order and need to be dealt with.

Indian Navy’s Approach

The Indian Navy provides maritime security for safe trade and monitors vessels that enter or leave the Indian Ocean region through the Malacca Strait, with the Andaman and Nicobar Command’s undertaking regular surveillance. Coordinated naval patrols with Bangladesh, Thai and Indonesian navies have been institutionalised. Maritime partnership exercises are conducted with Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia and Myanmar, in bilateral or multilateral formats.

Indian naval ships, submarines and aircraft have undertaken long-range overseas deployments, across the Indo-Pacific as far as Japan, Hawaii and Australia.

Towards becoming a net security provider in the region, the Indian Navy has been helping smaller maritime neighbours and providing platforms and equipment for their navies. Neibhbours have appreciated India’s help in training, repairs, expertise in hydrography, maritime surveys and cartographic assistance.

The Indian Navy is the first responder in the region for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. In the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami, earthquakes, cyclones, and pandemics the Indian Navy’s contribution with relief supplies with professionalism has created yremendous goodwill.

Comments

The Indo-Pacific region stretches from the coastlines of East Africa to the western Americas. It is today a vital oceanic space comprising critical chokepoints that carry a majority of the world’s trade. The chokepoints are situated at key geopolitical flashpoints. The Indo-Pacific is now perceived as vital for energy security, maritime security, and maritime commerce. The Indian Navy is is a formidable and potent force to provide such security in the region.

The Indian Navy is preparing a 175-ship plan (25 ships more than its current strength of 150) to particularly deal with the Chinese threat in the Indian Ocean.

India has strategic partnership with the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Southeast Asian countries, and West Asian countries. India is also involved in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) featuring three partners in the US, Japan, and Australia.

The Indian Navy is playing an important role in realising the Indian government’s vision of a free, open, inclusive, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

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The MQ-9Bs, which will be assembled in India, will enhance the Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities of India’s armed forces across domains. As part of this plan, General Atomics will also establish a Comprehensive Global Maintenance, Repair and Overhaul (MRO) facility in India in support of India’s long-term goals to boost indigenous defence capabilities.

According to a senior MoD official, India is negotiating to increase the indigenous content under the deal. “The current indigenous content proposed is 8-9% while India is hoping it can be increased up to 15-20%. Discussions are underway. General Atomics is positive to it and the US government has to accept it,” the official said. General Atomics is in talks with several Indian companies for domestic manufacture of components as part of the deal, officials said. This could expand further to potentially include the manufacture of some electronics, sensor and avionics if the indigenous content goes up.

The MQ-9B has two variants — the SkyGuardian and the SeaGuardian, its maritime variant. The MQ-9B is designed to fly over the horizon via satellite for up to 40 hours, depending on configuration, in all types of weather and safely integrate into civil airspace, according to its manufacturer. For instance, the SeaGuardian configuration can include a 360-degree surface-search maritime radar, automatic identification system, sonobuoy monitoring system, and sonobuoy dispensers for persistent anti-surface and anti-submarine warfare missions.

According to General Atomics, the MQ-9B can provide roughly 80% of the capability of a large human-flown maritime patrol aircraft at about 20% of its cost per hour. That makes it much more economical for navies to, for example, send out SeaGuardians to clear big volumes of air or sea and then, if anything of interest is discovered, vector in a human-crewed aircraft to save it the time, cost, and wear that it otherwise might have expended, the company stated. This is the primary reason the Indian Navy is keen on these UAVs as it significantly reduces the wear and tear on manned aircraft, its fleet of 12 P-8I long range maritime patrol aircraft, as well as reduce crew fatigue in keeping an eye over the wide expanse of the Indian Ocean Region and beyond.

For the Army and Air Force, the MQ-9Bs can provide round-the-clock surveillance looking far beyond the borders, for instance on the movement of Chinese military build-up and troop movement along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and deep inside. It also seamlessly integrates with other US-origin platforms that India operates, the P-8Is, AH-64 Apache attack helicopters, MH-60R multi-role helicopters among others expanding MQ-9B’s multi-domain mission set.

Deal Likely by March 2024

On June 15, the Defence Acquisition Council headed by Singh accorded the Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) or initial approval for the acquisition of 31 MQ-9B drones from the US under the foreign military sale (FMS) route.

India is looking at sealing a landmark deal to procure 31 MQ-9B Predator armed drones from the US under a government-to-government framework by March, according to a news agency report. The report said that government officials from the two countries will hold the final series of negotiations on the procurement after Washington responds to India’s Letter of Request (LoR) for the acquisition of drones from US defence major General Atomics (GA).

The procurement would cost around $3 billion as per estimates, though the price of the drones will be finalised during the negotiation process.

About the Drones

In 2020, the Indian Navy had taken on lease two MQ-9B Sea Guardian drones from General Atomics for a period of one year for surveillance in the Indian Ocean. The lease period has been extended subsequently.

The Sea Guardian drones can carry out a variety of roles, including maritime surveillance, anti-submarine warfare and over-the-horizon targeting and are being procured for the three services. While the Navy will get 15 Sea Guardian drones, the Indian Air Force and the Army will each get eight Sky Guardian drones.

Known for its high-altitude long-endurance, MQ-9B drones are capable of remaining airborne for over 35 hours and can carry four Hellfire missiles and around 450 kgs of bombs.

The Indian Navy plans to equip the Sea Guardians with sonobuoys, enhancing their ability to detect and track Chinese submarines in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

The drone can carry four SDS pods on its four wing pylons, allowing it to carry 40 ‘A’ size or 80 ‘G’ size sonobuoys, according to General Atomics. A sonobuoy is a small device used for underwater acoustic surveillance. It contains hydrophones that detect underwater sounds, especially those made by submarines. These devices are deployed from aircraft or ships and transmit real-time acoustic data, helping pin-point potential submarine threats. These systems, along with the P-8I long-range anti-submarine warfare aircraft, will enable the Navy to hunt Chinese and Pakistani submarines lurking deep in the IOR.

The Sea Guardian, with its 1,200 nautical mile range and significant on-station time, low maintenance, and low operating cost, can loiter over a designated area for a long time, deploying sonobuoys for locating submarines. After the detection of a submarine, the P-8I, with its high speed, can reach the designated area in a short period and drop torpedoes.

These drones also have the ability to patrol the entire IOR in one go, owing to their 30-hour endurance and 4,000 to 8,000-kilometre range.

The MQ-9 Predator drones saw action in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan and Syria, where they were used for reconnaissance operations, close air support and for targeted killings. These drones were used for taking down high profile terrorists like Mullah Omar – the founder of the Taliban, and, Ayman Al-Zawahiri– the late emir of Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan.

The MQ-9B Predator is an upgraded and much more advanced version of the MQ-9 Predator. It is fitted with sophisticated surveillance facilities, bombs and armed with American made surface to ground – AGM-114 Hellfire missiles.

In the last few years, the India-US defence cooperation has been on an upswing. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden in their talks on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Delhi, vowed to “deepen and diversify” the bilateral major defence partnership while welcoming forward movement in India’s procurement of 31 drones and joint development of jet engines. The US designated India a “Major Defence Partner” in June 2016, paving the way for sharing of critical military equipment and technology.

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Indian Navy commissioned INS Tarmugli, a Fast Attack Craft (FAC), under the aegis of the Eastern Naval Command, at Naval Dockyard, Visakhapatnam on December 14, 2023.

The ship, a Trinkat Class FAC boasts of a remarkable history and began its service as INS Tillanchang. Operating actively until 2006, as part of India’s diplomatic outreach in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), the ship was gifted to the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) and assumed the name MCGS Huravee. From April 16, 2006, until its decommissioning in May 2023, MCGS Huravee served under the MNDF flag. Upon its return to the Indian Navy, the ship underwent an extensive six-month refurbishment and upgrade at Naval Dockyard, Visakhapatnam.

Fitted with MTU engines, the latest communication equipment, a 30 mm gun and an advanced Radar system, the warship will be extensively used for coastal surveillance and protection of ODAs (Offshore Development Area) in the KG Basin area along the East Coast of India.

The 46-metre ship, named after a picturesque island in the Andaman group, displaces 320-tonne and can achieve speeds in excess of 30 knots. INS Tarmugli is tailored for tasks such as intercepting swift surface vessels, executing Anti-Smuggling operations, ensuring Fishery Protection, and conducting Search & Rescue Operations.

‘Mahe, Malvan and Mangrol’ SWC Launched

Mahe, Malvan and Mangrol, the first three ships of 08 x ASW Shallow Water Craft (CSL) project being built by CSL, Kochi for the Indian Navy, were launched on November 30, 2023 at CSL, Kochi.

The Mahe class ASW Shallow Water Crafts have been named after ports of strategic importance along the coast of India, and will look to carry forward the glorious legacy of the erstwhile minesweepers which were their namesake.

The contract for building eight ASW SWC ships was signed between the Ministry of Defence and Cochin Shipyard Limited on April 30, 2019. The Mahe class of ships will be equipped with indigenously developed, state-of-the-art underwater sensors, and are envisaged to undertake anti-submarine operations in coastal waters as well as Low Intensity Maritime Operations (LIMO) and Mine Laying Operations.

The ASW SWC ships are 78 m long and displacement is approx 900 tons, with a maximum speed of 25 knots.

The first ship of the project is planned to be delivered in 2024. The ASW SWC ships will have over 80% indigenous content, thereby ensuring that large scale defence production is executed by Indian manufacturing units, generating employment and capability enhancement within the country.

Third Missile Cum Ammunition Barge Delivered

The Indian Navy, on 22 November, took delivery of the third ‘Missile Cum Ammunition Barge, LSAM 9 (Yard 77)’, built by MSME Shipyard, SECON Engineering Projects Pvt Ltd, at Naval Dockyard, Visakhapatnam, for INS Tunir.

The contract for building 08 x Missile Cum Ammunition Barge was signed between MoD and SECON Engineering Projects Pvt Ltd, Visakhapatnam on February 19, 2021. Induction of these Barges would provide impetus to operational commitments of Indian Navy by facilitating Transportation, Embarkation and Disembarkation of articles and ammunition to IN Ships both alongside jetties and at outer harbours.

These Barges are indigenously designed and built under relevant Naval Rules and Regulations of Indian Register of Shipping (IRS). The model testing of the Barge during design stage was undertaken at Naval Science and Technological Laboratory (NSTL), Visakhapatnam.

Proposals to Acquire C-295 Transport Aircraft

The Indian Coast Guard and the Navy are looking forward to acquire 15 C-295 transport aircraft that are being manufactured in India in a joint venture between Tata Advanced Systems and Airbus. The proposals for the acquisition of these 15 aircraft – nine planes would be procured by the Navy and six would be taken by the Indian Coast Guard are at an advanced stage in the defence ministry.

The C-295 transport aircraft would be equipped with the required radars and sensors and turned into a maritime patrol plane by the Defence Research and Development Organisation’s Centre for Airborne Systems (CABS).

Recently, the first C-295 transport aircraft manufactured in Spain was inducted by the Indian Air Force. While the first 16 will come from Spain in fly-away condition, the remaining 40 will be produced in India at a Tata facility in Vadodara, Gujarat.

If approved by the government, the order from the Navy and Coast Guard will take the Tata Airbus order book to 71 from the existing 56. Some of the operators of the plane are using the C-295 transport aircraft in maritime patrol roles.

Long Range Cruise Missile-Scalp for Rafale-M

After France offered local production of submarine-launched Naval Scalp missiles, for the three additional Scorpene submarines that the Indian Navy is buying from France, negotiations are underway between the Indian Navy and MBDA, Scalp missile manufacturer, for acquisition of these missiles as part of the weapons package for 26 Rafale-Ms.

In October, India submitted a letter of request (LoR) to French government to buy 26 Rafale-M fighter for INS Vikrant.

These missiles will give the navy a significant capability boost compared to the Mig-29K, KH-31 combination. Scalp missiles have a strike range of more than 300 kilometres. Scalp missiles are stealth long-range fire and forget missiles which carries a warhead of 450 kg, that can destroy heavily defended, high-value enemy targets like command and control centres, ammunition depots, petroleum, oil and lubricants (POL) dumps and bunkers.

The submarine-launched variant has a strike range of close to 1,000 kilometres. Scalp missiles have also demonstrated their effectiveness in various wars, with the most recent being the Ukraine-Russia war, where the French supplied missiles were successfully able to destroy a ship and a submarine docked at a naval station and Russian Navy’s Black Sea Fleet headquarters.

Bought with the thirty-six Rafale fighters acquired in 2016, the Indian Air Force (IAF) already operates Scalp missiles. While the IAF Rafales can carry two Scalp missiles, its naval variant, the Rafale-M, can carry only one Scalp missile.

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He said as India’s maritime interests and investments grow, it will mandate expansion in the Navy’s responsibilities and operational footprint to protect these interests.

Operational Readiness

In terms of operational readiness, he said, “Our ‘Mission Based Deployment’ philosophy has enhanced the Indian Navy’s presence across the region, enabling rapid responses to emerging security challenges. The Indian Navy has established a persistent footprint in our areas of interest. Naval deployments also serve as a deterrent to inimical interests, clearly signalling the Navy’s reach, capability and intent.”

Maritime Surveillance

“The oceans are considered to be a common heritage; they can be used for the legitimate economic aspirations of any nation. So in that regard, if you look at China, it may have a legitimate reason to be present in the Indian Ocean region for economic activities. But we, as the resident naval power in the Indian Ocean, keep an eye on what all is happening there,” the Naval chief said.

“We try to keep the extra regional forces that are present in the region under surveillance and keep a watch on their activities–what are they engaged in, what are their intentions and so on. So, that is why we deploy our surveillance assets–ships, submarines, aircraft, UAVs and others. So they’re deployed regularly to keep our area of interest and observation.”

“Our interests are there in the Indian Ocean region and beyond when you look at the Indo-Pacific. So our ships, submarines, and aircraft are deployed accordingly. We try to keep our area of interest under surveillance,” he said.

Admiral Kumar also talked about the naval air surveillance part and said that, looking at the surveillance aspect, each of the platforms comes with a particular type of capability.

“When you talk of the P-8I, while it has a secondary role for surveillance, it is essentially a submarine warfare aircraft. It is basically an asset that is meant to detect localised and targeted submarines. But when it is not engaged in the task, it can also be used for surveillance.”

He also mentioned numerous other primary assets for surveillance but he stated that when an entire ocean area is looked upon, assets with different capabilities will be required. So we have to divide the area that we want to keep under surveillance with different types of assets.

Chinese Forays in the Indian Ocean

Speaking about increasing Chinese forays into the Indian Ocean Region, Adm Kumar said China may have legitimate reason to be present in the IOR for economic activities. “We keep an eye on what all is happening there. We try to maintain surveillance of the extra regional forces present in this region and would like to know what activities they are engaged in and their intentions,” he said.

He said the Navy’s ships, submarines, and aircraft have sustained a high operational tempo and have undertaken missions and tasks encompassing military, diplomatic, constabulary and benign roles, adding that naval units were on mission-based deployments across the IOR and beyond to protect and promote India’s national interests.

He said there are disputes in the Indo-Pacific which have the possibility of turning into conflicts and there are challenges such as IUU fishing, drug trafficking, piracy, illegal migration and robbery and it is important that dialogues continue to maintain peace and tranquillity in the Indo-Pacific.

Regarding the India-China standoff in Ladakh, he said, “Security situation on India’s northern borders has added to our security complexities.”

India-US Partnership

Admiral Kumar also said India has a long-standing partnership with the US and both countries have participated in a range of exercises, including Malabar, which began in 1993 and over the years have turned into a complex multilateral exercise, and other defence agreements signed between the two countries.

He said the Indian Navy and the US Navy have reached a high level of interoperability in joint exercises involving ships, submarines, aircraft and aircraft carriers.

In the last year, both sides have signed an agreement to develop underwater domain awareness and there is also enhanced cooperation between the two sides on technology, Admiral Kumar said, highlighting Indian shipyards’ growing capabilities in shipbuilding and repairs and India procuring MQ9B drones from the US.

Ties with Maldives

Maldives President Dr Mohamed Muizzu had formally sought withdrawal of Indian military personnel from Maldives during a meeting with Minister of Earth Sciences Kiren Rijiju, in late November.

On cooperation with Maldives, Adm Kumar, said that India has close cooperation with Maldives and any decision to scale down Indian military personnel presence from the key island nation will be based on instructions from the Central Government. “As far as scaling down of personnel is concerned, it is a decision of the government. Whatever instructions are given to us, we will follow,” he said, emphasising New Delhi’s close ties with the country in spheres of training as well as Maldives’ participation in important events organised recently by the Navy such as the Goa Maritime Conclave and the Indo-Pacific Regional Dialogue.

He said that India has “a few assets” deployed in Maldives, adding that India has assisted the country in multiple ways over the last five years, including carrying out over 500 medical evacuations, and helping the country with surveillance to detect illegal activities in the maritime domain.

Maldives is among the key maritime neighbours of India in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and India has been seeking to expand ties with the island nation — including in areas of defence and security — amid China’s efforts to expand its influence in the region. In May, both countries had launched the construction of a harbour for the Coast Guard of the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF).

Naval Ex-Servicemen in Qatari Prison

To a question on the status of the eight former Naval personnel in Qatar, Admiral Kumar said the government is making extensive efforts to repatriate them. “We are working closely to ensure that their interests are looked after. The government of India is putting all-out efforts to ensure they are brought back,” he said.

The former Navy personnel were given death sentence by Qatar’s Court of First Instance on October 26, following which an appeal has already been filed against the death sentence, which has been admitted by a higher court in Qatar. The charges in the case have not been made public.

Atmanirbharta

Admiral Kumar said the Navy has made a univocal commitment to be fully “atmanirbhar” by 2047 in capabilities, capacities and concepts, while stating that the Navy is committed to greater jointness between the defence forces.

According to the Chief, the Navy’s commitment to ‘Aatmanirbharta’ will be reinforced by indigenisation of major equipment and systems through multiple avenues including the flagship ‘Make in India’ campaign. “We will continue with our sustained efforts to support the national initiatives such as Digital India, Skill India, Startup India and other GoI initiatives,” he said.

He briefly spoke about all these initiatives and the role that the navy is playing to support these. Regarding Start-Up India, he said that the navy in the past year had ‘supported, funded and hand-held more than 35 start-ups and Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) for various projects towards developing niche technologies or products for the Navy.’ Last year, the Navy facilitated employment of 88 personnel to these MSMEs. Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) have recently been concluded with two companies through which close to 100 personnel are pursuing their second career options.

Op Samudra Setu

Regarding the navy’s efforts to combat Covid, he said that the Indian Navy had played a role of ‘care-giver’ during the pandemic. Listing the efforts, he said that 10 naval ships, under the aegis of Operation Samudra Setu II, transhipped more than 1100 Metric Tons of Liquid Medical Oxygen to India. “Missions Sagar III to VII,” he said, “reiterated India’s commitment to the region, as IN ships and aircrafts provided COVID assistance to eight friendly foreign countries across the oceans through deployment of Naval medical teams, medicines, vaccines and humanitarian aid.” He added that despite the disruptive impact of the pandemic, the navy had maintained its operational readiness and tempo through prompt implementation of preventive protocols. Our focus on maintaining combat and mission readiness resulted in deterring any misadventure in the maritime domain, while contributing to the national COVID effort—both internally and across the seas.”

Organisational Reforms

Speaking about the reforms in defence, the chief of naval staff said, “I would like to reiterate the navy’s wholehearted support for reforms in our Higher Defence Organisation, and on enhancing tri-service synergy. We are looking at establishment of the ‘Maritime Theatre Command’ in the near future, which would further buttress ‘Joint planning and Joint application of force’ in the maritime domain. The details are being worked out and may be finalised by the mid of next year.”

Women Agniveers

Adm Kumar said that more than 1,000 women ‘Agniveers’ have been incorporated into the force. He lauded the Agnipath scheme and said its implementation has been a much-needed, transformational change.

“Our first batch of ‘Agniveers’ graduated from the premier-winning establishment, INS Chilka, in March this year. And importantly, this batch of Agniveers includes 272 female Agniveer trainees as well,” Admiral Kumar said.

“And going further, the second batch of ‘Agniveers’ had a total of 454 women and I want to say that with the third batch, which has just been inducted, we have now crossed over 1000 women affiliates in the navy,” he added.

Admiral Kumar asserted that these statistics stand testament to the Indian Navy’s philosophy of all roles and all ranks with regard to the deployment of women in the service, both for officers and for personnel below the rank of officer.

“We also appointed the first woman commanding officer of an Indian naval ship. It has been our effort to constantly challenge the status quo to ensure that the navy remains on an aspirational and dynamic trajectory into the future,” said Admiral Kumar.

“We have taken measures towards providing additional opportunities for women officers in the Navy. Women officers have been appointed on-board almost all major warships.” Briefly touching upon recent developments in consonance with the government of India’s objective to empower women, Admiral Kumar said, “We have taken measures towards providing additional opportunities for women officers in the Navy. Women officers have been appointed on-board almost all major warships, the first woman Provost officer joined the specialization in March this year, and induction of women officers into the Information Technology Branch will commence from June next year.”

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The 4th edition of Goa Maritime Conclave (GMC) 2023 was held on 29-31 October 2023 by the Indian Navy under the aegis of Naval War College, Goa. GMC is the Indian Navy’s outreach initiative providing a multinational platform to harness the collective wisdom of practitioners of maritime security and the academia towards garnering outcome oriented maritime thought.

Previous editions of the biennial event were held in 2017, 2019, and 2021. The Conclave provides a forum for exchange of views by the Chiefs of Navy/ Heads of Maritime Agencies on dealing with contemporary and future maritime challenges, as well as presenting cooperative strategies for enhancing interoperability amongst partner maritime agencies.

The theme for the 2023 edition of GMC was Maritime Security in the Indian Ocean Region: Converting Common Maritime Priorities into Collaborative Mitigating Frameworks, which was derived keeping in mind the necessity of ‘synergising and collaborating efforts’ in the maritime domain towards achieving maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

At the GMC-23, Adm R Hari Kumar, Chief of the Naval Staff of Indian Navy hosted Chiefs of Navies/ Heads of Maritime Forces/ Senior Representatives from 12 Indian Ocean littorals, including Bangladesh, Comoros, Indonesia, Madagascar, Malaysia, Mauritius, Maldives, Myanmar, Seychelles, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and Thailand.

Emphasising the evolution of GMC into a functional framework addressing transnational challenges in the IOR, Adm R Hari Kumar, noted that addressing these challenges cooperatively was essential.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh was the Chief Guest and delivered the Keynote Address of GMC-23. He underscored the responsibility of IOR countries to collaborate and combat threats emerging from the sea, emphasising mutual trust as a prerequisite for cooperation.

The Minister of State for External Affairs and Culture Meenakshi Lekhi delivered a Special Address. She highlighted India’s rich maritime history and the significance of cooperation and capacity building for the region’s resilience and prosperity.

Vice Adm MA Hampiholi, the FOC-in-C Southern Naval Command, and Adm Arun Prakash (retd), former Chief of the Naval Staff, also addressed the delegates.

The Conclave participants benefitted from interactions with eminent speakers and subject matter experts over four sessions focusing on:

Identifying Gaps in Regulatory and Legal Frameworks for Achieving Maritime Security in the IOR

Formulation of a Common Multi-lateral Maritime Strategy and Operating Protocols for GMC Nations for Collective > Mitigation of Maritime Threats and Challenges

Identification and Establishment of Collaborative Training Programmes with Center of Excellence across the IOR

Leveraging Activities Pursued Through Existing Multilateral Organisations in the IOR towards Generating Collective Maritime competencies”.

The fourth Conclave continued the quest to find regional solutions to the regional security challenges in the IOR, and becoming an ‘outcome-oriented’ forum by converting Common Maritime Priorities into Collaborative Mitigating Frameworks.

Keynote Address

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh October 30  stressed the need to build trust among countries on the maritime front through dialogue and said common maritime priorities of tackling climate change, controlling piracy, terrorism and drug trafficking should be addressed in cooperation.

“How do we build trust? We build trust through dialogues such as the GMC, joint exercises, industrial collaboration, sharing of resources, respecting international law etc.,” Singh said, adding that the trust amongst cooperating countries will lead to optimal outcomes in common maritime priorities. “Since our countries interact with each other on a multitude of issues. It is possible to build trust by discussion and consultation with each other,” the defence minister said.

Quoting the Sanskrit adage ‘Sanghe Shakti Kaliyuge’, Singh said in the present era, strength lies in collaboration and cooperation, and cooperative equilibrium can also be achieved in international relations.

“In our context, common maritime priorities such as tackling climate change, controlling piracy, terrorism, drug trafficking and overfishing at the high seas need to be addressed by all of us cooperatively. “If the threats that we face are supranational in scope and impact, international efforts to address them will indeed have limited effects,” the defence minister said, adding that regional challenges can be managed through multinational collaborative mitigation frameworks. Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing is a challenge related to over-exploitation of resources in the region, Singh said.

IUU fishing threatens the ecosystem, economic security and regional and global food security, he said, adding that it is a common maritime priority to control IUU fishing. Multinational collaboration efforts for the compilation, coalition and sharing of surveillance data was the need of the hour, he said.

“It will help in identifying actors with irregular or threatening behaviour, which needs to be countered resolutely,” Singh added. He further said that the “pandemic of climate irresponsibility” will threaten societies, and just like the recent pandemic (COVID-19), there is a vaccine available (for the climate pandemic).

“It is a vaccine of collaboration, climate responsibility and climate justice. If all countries accept the responsibility to cut the emission by investing in green economy and shared technology, there is no reason why humanity cannot overcome this problem as well,” Singh said.Our narrow immediate interests tempt us to flout or disrespect the international laws, but doing so will lead to the breakdown of civilised maritime intercourse, he said. “The law of the jungle will be the result of such narrowness. Our common security and prosperity cannot be preserved without all committing cooperatively and adhering to maritime rules,” Singh said.

Navy Chief’s Four Principles

Indian Navy Chief Adm Hari Kumar put forward a set of four principles aimed at fostering deeper relations among the states in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

He expressed India’s willingness “to take lead in developing the training and capacity building pillar,” in alignment with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of ‘Security and Growth for All in the Region’ (SAGAR).

His first suggestion involved the establishment of a dynamic working mechanism that is “structure light, but functionally heavy.” Based on common maritime priorities (CMPs), this would encompass maritime law, information, strategy and protocols, as well as training and capacity building. The second proposal emphasised the leveraging of unique capabilities and expertise brought to the table by each state.

Admiral Kumar said that “each one of us could bring to the table certain unique capabilities and expertise,” such as proficiency in maritime law, counteracting sea-borne narcotics trade, maritime surveillance, and environmental stewardship. This he said “would also lay the foundation for establishing regional Centres of Excellence (CoE)” in addition to “developing and operationalising the mitigation framework for addressing CMPs”.

Furthermore, the navy chief highlighted the importance of developing CoEs as central hubs for maritime security information within the IOR. As an example, he cited the establishment of the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) in Gurugram. This initiative underlined India’s role as the primary guardian of the Indian Ocean, serving as a “net security provider” that fosters collaboration among regional countries to ensure global commons’ security, freedom of navigation, and protection against various challenges including piracy, terrorism, gun-running, narcotics, human migration, and illegal fishing.

Lastly, Admiral Kumar suggested streamlining and prioritising efforts under bilateral, mini-lateral, and multi-lateral constructs in the IOR.

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China has been pursuing a strategy to acquire influence in small island nations in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), particularly through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI is a massive infrastructure development project that aims to connect Asia, Europe, and Africa through a network of roads, railways, ports, and other infrastructure projects.

In the IOR, China has been investing in infrastructure projects, such as building ports and airports, in small island nations like Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and Pakistan. These investments have been met with both praise and criticism, with some seeing them as a way to boost economic development and connectivity, while others see them as a way for China to gain strategic footholds in the region and exert greater influence.

Critics have also raised concerns about the sustainability and feasibility of these projects, as well as the potential for debt-trap diplomacy. Additionally, there are concerns that these projects may not serve the best interests of the host countries and could lead to increased dependence on China.

China has also been increasing its presence in the IOR through its naval and coast guard vessels, which have been patrolling the waters and protecting its shipping lanes. This has raised concerns among other countries in the region and around the world, as it may be perceived as a way for China to assert its military and economic power in the region.

Influence in Sri Lanka

China has been increasing its influence in Sri Lanka through a variety of means. One key way has been through infrastructure development projects, particularly those associated with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). These projects include the construction of ports, airports, and highways, and are aimed at boosting economic development and connectivity in Sri Lanka.

One of the most notable infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka is the development of the port of Hambantota, which China has invested in and now operates. This has been met with criticism from some, as the port has been seen as a debt trap for Sri Lanka, and has raised concerns about China’s increasing control over strategically important infrastructure in the country.

China has also been investing in other infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka such as the Colombo International Financial City, and the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport.

Another way China has been increasing its influence in Sri Lanka is through trade and investment. China is one of Sri Lanka’s top trading partners and investors, which has helped to boost the small island nation’s economy.

China has also been increasing its presence in Sri Lanka through its military and coast guard vessels, which have been patrolling the waters around the island nation and protecting its shipping lanes. This has raised concerns among other countries in the region and around the world, as it may be perceived as a way for China to assert its military and economic power in the region.

China’s Debt Trap

There are concerns that China has trapped Sri Lanka in a debt trap through infrastructure development projects, and that this may give China strategic advantages in the IOR, which could threaten India’s security. The Sri Lankan government, however, denies these claims and China has denied the use of debt-trap diplomacy.

One example is the development of the port of Hambantota. In 2010, Sri Lanka agreed to a deal with China to develop the port, which included a loan from China for $361 million. However, the port failed to generate enough revenue to cover the loan payments and Sri Lanka was unable to repay the debt. In 2017, as a result, Sri Lanka was forced to lease the port to China for 99 years to repay the debt.

This has raised concerns that the port, which is located close to India’s southern coast, could be used for military purposes by China, giving it a strategic advantage in the IOR and potentially threatening India’s security.

Another example is the Colombo International Financial City and the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, which were built with Chinese loans but have also failed to generate enough revenue to repay the debt.

Critics argue that this is a pattern of “debt-trap diplomacy” by China, in which it provides loans for infrastructure projects to developing countries, and then, when those countries are unable to repay the debt, uses that as leverage to gain control over strategically important assets.

It is worth noting that Sri Lanka has denied that this is the case and that it has not fallen into a debt trap. Furthermore, China has denied using debt-trap diplomacy, stating that the projects were agreed upon mutually and that the loans were offered on commercial terms.

India’s concerns over Chinese influence

India has expressed concerns over China’s increasing influence in Sri Lanka, particularly in the areas of infrastructure development and military presence.

One of the main concerns is the Hambantota port, which India sees as a potential military threat as it is located close to India’s southern coast. India fears that China may use the port for military purposes.

India has also been concerned about the Colombo International Financial City and the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, as it sees these projects as a way for China to gain greater economic and strategic control over Sri Lanka.

India is also worried about China’s growing military presence in Sri Lanka, as Chinese naval and coast guard vessels have been increasingly patrolling the waters around the island nation. This has raised concerns that China may be seeking to assert its military and economic power in the region.

India has responded to Chinese influence in Sri Lanka by increasing its own engagement with the island nation, through economic and development assistance, and by strengthening its own military presence in the IOR.

Chinese submarine visits to Sri Lanka

India has expressed concerns over the increasing frequency of Chinese submarine visits to Sri Lanka. These visits, which have occurred several times in recent years, are seen as a potential threat to India’s security and strategic interests in the IOR.

One concern is that these submarine visits could give China a military advantage in the region, as submarines are equipped with advanced stealth technology and can be used for a variety of purposes, including reconnaissance, intelligence gathering, and power projection.

Another concern is that these visits could be part of a larger strategy by China to establish a foothold in the IOR.

India has also raised concerns about the potential for these submarine visits to be used for espionage or sabotage, as submarines are able to operate covertly and can access sensitive areas undetected.

In response to these concerns, India has also been building stronger ties with other countries in the region, such as the United States, Japan, and Australia, to counterbalance China’s growing influence.

Chinese spy ship visit to Sri Lanka

India has expressed concerns over Chinese spy ship visits to Sri Lanka, as these ships are equipped with advanced surveillance technology and can be used for intelligence gathering and monitoring activities in the IOR.

India is worried that these visits could be used to gather intelligence on India’s naval movements and military capabilities, as well as on its economic and political activities in the region. The Indian government is also concerned that these visits could be used to interfere with its trade and energy security in the region.

India is also worried about the potential for these spy ships to support the Chinese naval presence in the Indian Ocean, which could be used to assert China’s military and strategic interests in the region.

Chinese military aid to Sri Lanka

China has provided military aid to Sri Lanka in the form of equipment, training, and technical assistance. This aid has been provided to help Sri Lanka improve its defense capabilities and maintain internal security.

China has provided a range of military equipment to Sri Lanka, such as artillery, small arms, and naval vessels. It has also provided training and technical assistance to Sri Lankan military personnel in areas such as counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and maritime security.

China’s military aid to Sri Lanka has been met with both praise and criticism. Some have welcomed it as a way to help Sri Lanka improve its defence capabilities and maintain internal security, while others have criticized it as a way for China to gain strategic footholds in the region and exert greater influence.

Critics have also raised concerns about the sustainability and feasibility of this aid, as well as the potential for it to be used to support human rights abuses by Sri Lankan government.

Indian military aid to Sri Lanka

India has provided military aid to Sri Lanka in the form of equipment, training, and technical assistance, which has been motivated by its desire to promote stability in the region and to counterbalance the influence of other countries. The aid has been met with mixed reactions, with some seeing it as a way to help Sri Lanka improve its defence capabilities and maintain internal security, while others view it as a way for India to exert greater influence in the region.

India has provided a range of military equipment to Sri Lanka, such as artillery, small arms, and naval vessels. It has also provided training and technical assistance to Sri Lankan military personnel in areas such as counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and maritime security. Some of the prominent items of military aid have been:

Small arms and ammunition. India has provided small arms such as rifles and pistols, as well as ammunition to Sri Lanka to help improve its defense capabilities.

Artillery. India has provided artillery equipment, such as howitzers and mortars, to Sri Lanka to help improve its artillery capabilities.

Naval vessels. India has provided naval vessels, such as patrol boats and fast attack craft, to Sri Lanka to help improve its maritime security capabilities.

Radars and surveillance equipment. India has provided radars and other surveillance equipment to Sri Lanka to help improve its coastal and maritime surveillance capabilities.

Training and technical assistance. India has provided training and technical assistance to Sri Lankan military personnel in areas such as counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and maritime security.

India has also been concerned about the potential for terrorism and extremism in Sri Lanka, and has provided aid to help Sri Lanka combat these threats.

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The IADD, as a part of DefExpo 2022, showcased to the African nations the growing prowess of the domestic defence industry, which is one of the major drivers of the nation’s resolve to achieve ‘Make in India, Make for the World’ as envisioned by the Prime Minister. This interaction is expected to help fulfilling the Defence requirements of our African partners as also achieving the objective of catering to our domestic requirements. A Special Cover on IADD and a book on ‘India-Africa Defence Cooperation: Opportunities and Challenges’ were released during the event.

The IADD was institutionalised to be held biennially during successive DefExpos. It seeks to build on the existing defence partnerships between African countries & India and to explore new areas of convergence for mutual engagements including areas such as capacity building, training, cyber security, maritime security and counter-terrorism.

Emphasising that India & Africa share a multi-faceted defence and security cooperation relationship, Rajnath Singh reiterated India’s support to Africa to deal with challenges of conflict, terrorism and violent extremism. “India remains united with African countries in their quest for peace, security, stability, growth and prosperity. Our partnership with Africa is centered on the ten guiding principles articulated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his address to Parliament of Uganda in 2018. He had clearly stated that Africa will be at the top of our priorities.

Later, the Gandhinagar Declaration was adopted as an outcome document of IADD 2022. It proposes to enhance cooperation in the field of training in all areas of mutual interest by increasing training slots and deputation of training teams, empowerment and capability building of the defence forces of Africa, participation in exercises and humanitarian assistance during natural disasters. India offered fellowship for experts from African countries through Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis.

Fifty African countries, including 20 Defence Ministers, seven CDS/Service Chiefs and eight Permanent Secretaries participated in the Dialogue attesting to the high priority accorded to India-Africa engagement in defence and security. On the sidelines of the IADD, Rajnath Singh and MoS Defence Ajay Bhatt met with the visiting African Ministers where issues related to defence and bilateral relations were discussed.

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