India-Central Asia Meeting of NSAs

At the first India-Central Asia meeting of NSAs/secretaries of security councils, involving Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, India’s National security adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval, on 6 December, flagged concerns about terror networks in the region, including in Afghanistan, and called for firm steps against terror financing.

The one-day NSA-level meeting was held in the backdrop of the first summit in January 2022 between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and presidents of the five Central Asian countries.

“Afghanistan is an important issue concerning us all. The existence of terrorist networks in the region is also a matter of deep concern. Financing is the lifeblood of terrorism and countering terror financing should be an equal priority for all of us,” Doval said in his inaugural address.

“Central Asia is our extended neighbourhood with which we have civilisational linkages and we accord highest priority to this region. We meet at a time of great churn in international relations and uncertainty about the future. A peaceful, secure and prosperous Central Asia is in our common interest,” Doval said.

There was consensus among the six countries that the expansion of terrorist propaganda, recruitment and fundraising efforts had serious security implications for the region and, a collective and coordinated response was essential.

“The misuse of new and emerging technologies, arms and drug trafficking using terrorist proxies for cross-border terrorism, abuse of cyber space to spread disinformation and unmanned aerial systems present new challenges in counterterrorism efforts and call for collective action,” said a joint communique issued after the meeting.

Top officials of the six countries condemned all “forms and manifestations” of terrorism, and underscored the need to fight the menace collectively. They “discussed the current situation in Afghanistan and its impact on the security and stability of the region, reiterating strong support for a peaceful, stable and secure Afghanistan, emphasising respect for its sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity and urging non-interference in its internal affairs”, the communique said.

The heads of the delegations emphasised that Afghan soil should not be used for sheltering, training, planning or financing any terrorist acts while reaffirming the importance of UNSC Resolution 2593 that no terror outfit should be provided sanctuary or allowed to use that country’s territory. The meeting comes at a time when India and the Central Asian countries celebrating the 30th anniversary of the establishment of their diplomatic relations.

The next NSA-level meeting will be held in Kazakhstan in 2023.

Taliban welcome Initiative

A statement by the “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan” welcomed the move aimed at building better coordination for the security of the region. It also supported the joint communique issued expressing support for a stable, peaceful, integrated and secure Afghanistan. Afghanistan has reiterated its commitment to not allow its territory to be used for any agency or powers to interfere in other nation’s internal affairs.

US-India Counterterrorism Joint Working Group

Acting Coordinator for Counterterrorism Timothy Betts, a top American counterterrorism official, visited New Delhi for the US-India Counterterrorism Joint Working Group’s annual meeting on 12-13 December 2022 that reviewed regional and global terrorist threat assessments, collaborative bilateral and regional counterterrorism programming, and initiatives to strengthen law enforcement and judicial partnerships.

“No Money for Terror” Conference 2022

The third ‘No Money for Terror’ (NMFT) Ministerial Conference on Counter-Terrorism Financing was held in New Delhi, on 19 November 2022.

The conference was started in 2018, as an initiative of the French government, to specifically focus on cooperation between countries to choke terror funding. In 2019, the conference was held in Australia. It was to be held in India in 2020 but was postponed due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

The conference offered a unique platform for participating nations and organisations to deliberate on the effectiveness of the current international regime on Counter Terrorism Financing and the steps required to address emerging challenges.

It was attended by delegates from 72 countries and 15 international organisations. During the Conference, deliberations were held in four sessions with focus on:

• Global Trends in Terrorism and Terrorist Financing.
• Use of Formal and Informal Channels of Funds for Terrorism.
• Emerging Technologies and Terrorist Financing.
• International Co-operation to Address Challenges in Combating Terrorist Financing.

India’s Stand at NMFT Conference

The Prime Minister of India strongly asked for avoiding any ambiguity in dealing with terrorism and also warned against nations that use terrorism as a tool of foreign policy.

Regime Change in Afghanistan. India urged the international community to take cognisance of threats emerging from regime change in Afghanistan, as the last one had led to 9/11 attacks. The regime changes and the growing influence of Al Qaeda & Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) have emerged as a significant challenge to regional security.

Stress on Terrorist’s Safe Havens. India stressed that the international community should never ignore terrorists’ safe havens or their resources.

Threats from Emerging Technologies. Terrorists and terrorist groups understand the nuances of modern weapons and information technology such as Dark Net and Cryptocurrency very well. This transformation of terrorism from dynamite to metaverse and AK-47 to virtual assets is definitely a matter of concern for the countries.

Cost of Terrorism Supportive Countries. Certain countries support terrorism as part of their foreign policy. They offer political, ideological and financial support to them. There must be a cost imposed upon countries that support terrorism. Organisations and individuals that try to create sympathy for terrorists must also be isolated.

Threats from Organised Crime. Organised crime should not be seen in isolation and these gangs often have deep links with terrorist outfits. The money made in gun-running, drugs and smuggling is pumped into terrorism. Even activities like money laundering and financial crimes have been known to help terror funding.

BIMSTEC Joint Working Group on Counter Terrorism

A meeting of the BIMSTEC Joint Working Group on Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime started was held i New Delhi on 12 January. The meeting was hosted by India and featured participation from Bangladesh, Bhutan, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand. Key issues linked to intelligence sharing, legal and law enforcement, countering radicalisation, terrorism, etc, were discussed.

An MEA statement said the delegates deliberated on different aspects of implementation of the BIMSTEC Convention on Cooperation in Combating International Terrorism, Transnational Organised Crime and Illicit Drug Trafficking, which entered into force on March 16, 2021. India is the lead country for the security pillar under the BIMSTEC framework.

Under the security pillar, the mechanism of BIMSTEC joint working group on counter-terrorism and transnational crime oversees the work of six sub-groups which include:

• Intelligence Sharing
• Legal and Law Enforcement
• Countering Radicalization and Terrorism
• Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism
• Human Trafficking and
• Narcotic Drugs, Psychotropic Substances and Precursor Chemicals

“The meeting discussed traditional and emerging non-traditional security threats in the BIMSTEC region. The participants deliberated and made recommendations on wide ranging issues to enhance cooperation and collaboration in countering terrorism and transnational crimes in the region,” an MEA statement said.

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Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi visited New Delhi on 25 March 2022, the first by a top Chinese official after the 2020 clashes. Neither Beijing nor New Delhi made an official announcement about Wang’s visit.

That Wang chose to visit was a surprise, that India agreed to the visit was a bigger one. The visit was considered a diplomatic breakthrough given the slump in bilateral ties since the standoff in Ladakh started in 2020.

Speaking after the visit, Jaishankar no time line was agreed upon for disengagement and de-escalation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). A parallel but a separate discussion took place in regard to sorting out the situation in border areas.  He said 15 rounds of talks were held between the Corps Commanders of the two Armies since April 2020 leading to some progress at several friction points.

Wang at OIC

Wang’s visit to New Delhi came just a day after his comments on Jammu and Kashmir at an Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meeting in Islamabad, Pakistan, managed to irk New Delhi.

At the OIC meeting before leaving for New Delhi, Wang said: “On Kashmir, we have heard again today the calls of many of our Islamic friends. And China shares the same hope.”

This drew a sharp reaction from the Ministry of External Affairs. The MEA spokesperson said: “We reject the uncalled reference to India by the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi during his speech at the Opening Ceremony (of the OIC meeting).”

 “Matters related to the Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir are entirely the internal affairs of India. Other countries, including China, have no locus standi to comment. They should note that India refrains from public judgement of their internal issues,” he said.

Delegation-level Talks

National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval told Wang Yi that there was a need to push for early and complete disengagement at the LAC for bilateral ties to return to their natural course.

During delegation-level talks at the South Block in the national capital, India made it clear that continuation of the present situation was not in mutual interest.

The Chinese side invited NSA Doval to visit China to take forward the mandate of Special Representatives on border issues. Doval responded positively to the invitation and said that he could visit after immediate issues are resolved successfully.

Disengagement Proposal Rejected

The Indian Express reported that around the time of Wang’s visit, China had sent a proposal for disengagement of troops from Patrolling Point 15 in the Hot Springs area of eastern Ladakh.

“Government sources said China proposed that Indian troops, who have been in an eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation with Chinese troops at PP 15 for almost two years now, move back to the Karam Singh Post between PP 16 and PP 17. China said it would withdraw its troops just behind the Line of Actual Control (LAC) as claimed by India in that region,” the newspaper reported.

The proposal was rejected since the Chinese claim line and India’s understanding of the LAC almost intersect at PP 15. If India were to accept the proposal, it would mean that while Chinese troops would move back very little, Indian troops would have to withdraw several kilometres even behind PP 16 which has never been claimed by China earlier.

State of India-China relations

Thousands of Indian troops remain deployed along India’s remote border with China in the Himalayan snow deserts of Ladakh, where hand-to-hand fighting broke out in June 2020.

At least 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers were killed during a clash in Ladakh’s Galwan valley – the first deadly encounter between the nuclear-armed neighbours in decades.

Their undemarcated 3,500-km-long frontier has remained largely peaceful since a border war in 1962, and both countries still claim vast swathes of each other’s territory.

After the Galwan clash, senior officers from both militaries held more than a dozen rounds of talks to de-escalate the standoff in Ladakh but progress has been limited.

Last February, after multiple military parleys, Indian and Chinese troops completed a pullout from a lake area in Ladakh. Days later, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi and his Indian counterpart S. Jaishankar agreed to setup a hotline.

There has been little progress for disengagement from the Depsang Plains in north Ladakh. The Chinese have denied Indian troops access to their traditional patrolling points 10, 11, 11A, 12 and 13 but the Chinese have moved machinery for roadbuilding behind these patrolling points.

A total of 15 rounds of talks has been held at the level of corp commanders between the two armies on disengagement from various parts of Ladakh. But progress has been slow.

Beijing has repeatedly said that border standoff does not represent the entirety of China-India relations, while New Delhi has maintained that peace along the frontier is essential for the two countries to work together.

New Delhi has numerous other concerns regarding China’s activities in almost all of India’s neighbours.

Aside from the tensions in the Himalayas, India’s mistrust stems from Beijing’s support of old foe Pakistan, the competition for influence in Nepal, and concern over China’s economic clout in Bangladesh, Myanmar and Sri Lanka.

Chinese Strategy

Unsettling signal from China show that it intends to continue the ‘string of pearls’ strategy to encircle India in South Asia.

By engaging with Afghanistan’s ruthless regime for rare earth and minerals, China is trying to use a vacuum where India has almost no leverage. Sri Lanka and Nepal’s infrastructure investments aim to cut India’s regional standing. Deep seaports in Myanmar extend that envelope. This is a strategy of boxing India in and flies in the face of Wang Yi’s assertion during his meetings in Delhi that China does not seek a unipolar Asia.

Defence Spending

The standoff in the high Himalayas is a costly undertaking. India is not walking the talk with its defence spending. China increased its defence budget by 7.1 per cent to $230 billion in 2022. It is three times that of India’s $70 billion in 2022.

Without spending at the very least three per cent of her GDP on defence, India will find it increasingly difficult to match China’s assertiveness on the borders.

Economic Lever

In the two years of the standoff, India’s trade deficit is a staggering $103 billion in China’s favour. The quality of this trade deficit is also startling. India exports primarily iron ore, aluminium, and agricultural commodities while importing finished products across consumer and industrial categories, like electronics, pharmaceuticals, fertilisers, and infrastructure items from Beijing.

The trade lever is firmly in China’s hands. Apart from banning a few apps, Narendra Modi’s government has been unable to bring structural reforms over two years to dent this relationship.

Investment and App Bans

China is India’s largest trading partner, with bilateral trade expanding exponentially since the turn of the century to $95.02 billion in 2021/22. Trade remains heavily tilted in Beijing’s favour. India’s trade deficit with China is the largest it has with any county, and the imbalance has been steadily widening.

More than 100 Chinese companies, including state-owned enterprises, operate in India, including electronics manufacturers that have come to dominate the country’s mobile phone market.

Since 2020, however, New Delhi has tightened the screws on Chinese players in Asia’s third largest economy by increasing scrutiny of investments or imports and banning some mobile apps.

The Indian government had previously held up investments worth billions from Beijing, but last week said that approvals for 66 proposals from neighbouring countries – including China – totalling $1.79 billion had been approved.

In February, India also blocked access to dozens of Chinese apps over security concerns, increasing the tally of such restricted mobile apps to more than 300.

Comments

The India-China relationship has been at its lowest point in three decades since Beijing tore up a decade’s worth of agreements for maintaining peace and tranquility at the border and sent troops into India’s side of the Line of Actual Control in eastern Ladakh in 2020.

If the Chinese intention was to gauge if India was ready to normalise ties, then the visit was structured inauspiciously. Wang, who is also a state councillor, arrived via Islamabad and Kabul. In Pakistan, he aired pro-Pakistan views on Kashmir at the foreign ministers’ conference of Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC). In Afghanistan, he engaged the globally-slighted Taliban regime as it regresses to its old behaviour. A cold reception in New Delhi was thus expected. South Block judged correctly that the China’s obduracy required a riposte as the China’s need for de-escalation was now greater than India’s.

In 2017, China had similarly shown flexibility to resolve the Doklam stand-off after the BRICS meeting on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in Hamburg. Subsequently, not only China has dug deeper at positions near Doklam but showed no hesitation in widening the confrontation three years later in Ladakh.

The onus of normalisation of ties lies with Beijing. The presence of a large number of troops, in contravention of agreements, denotes an abnormality and is a clear signal that border disengagement and de-escalation remain non-negotiable for any restoration of ties.

No breakthrough or major announcement came out of Beijing’s outreach. The conversation in the Chinese Communist Party mouthpiece Global Times veered around the need for New Delhi to change its attitude and play down the border clashes for a positive thrust, given the two neighbours’ relations with Russia, a line taken by Wang Yi himself. Both Jaishankar and NSA Ajit Doval, though, responded to the call for taking a ‘long-term view’ by sticking to the stance that the overall development of ties was intrinsically linked to resolution of the border issues.

The new escalatory cycle now can be broken. India’s neutrality over Ukraine addresses Chinese worry about Indian proximity to the United States, after the Quad meetings were raised to the summit level. But China’s tactical moves must not be mistaken for a strategic shift. India will continue to be seen as a potential rival.

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“Any threats in cyberspace directly impact our social, economic, and national security and therefore we need to safeguard our cyberspace,” said Doval at the inauguration of a cybersecurity training workshop on Monday. He said a digital revolution was taking place in the country and referred to the government’s digital services.

National Security Council Secretariat is organising the seminar to equip over 140 officials to combat internal and external threats in association with the Data Security Council of India and the Defence Research and Development Organisation

Lt Gen Rajesh Pant, the national cyber security coordinator, referred to the importance of cyberspace and the necessity of keeping it secure and safe for the citizens, businesses, and governments. He spoke about the ransomware attack on Oil India Limited and the cyber warfare in the global scenario. “The government of India is taking various steps to build capacities and enhance skills in cyber security.”

A cybersecurity policy, which has been in the works for over two years, proposes a multi-stakeholder framework to check propaganda, deception, disinformation, and “adversarial narratives” on social media. The policy has been pending with the government for over a year now.

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In his nearly three-hour “candid” talks with visiting Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi, external affairs minister S Jaishankar asserted that restoration of normalcy in ties will require restoration of peace and tranquillity in the border areas.

Wang flew into Delhi from Kabul on 24 March evening in an unannounced trip in the first highest-level visit to India by a Chinese leader after the border standoff in eastern Ladakh erupted nearly two years ago.

At a media briefing shortly after his talks with Wang, Jaishankar said: “If we are both committed to improving our ties then this commitment must find full expression in the ongoing disengagement talks.”

Describing the current situation as a “work in progress”, he also said that relations between India and China have been “disturbed” as a result of the Chinese actions in April 2020.

“So long there are very large deployments, border situation is not normal. We still have ongoing friction areas, have made progress in resolving some friction areas including Pangong Tso. Our discussion today was how to take this forward,” he said.

The border issue is understood to have figured prominently in the meeting between Wang and Doval too. Both sides agreed on the importance of early and complete disengagement in remaining areas to allow bilateral ties to take their natural course. They also stressed the need to continue positive interactions at diplomatic,military levels for restoration of peace, sources said.

Wang also met National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, who pressed insisted on an early and complete disengagement of troops in Ladakh, a source with knowledge of the discussions said. “The continuation of the present situation is not in our mutual interest,” the source quoted Doval as telling Wang.

“Restoration of peace and tranquillity will help build mutual trust and create enabling environment for progress in relations,” Doval added.

New Delhi has made it abundantly clear that it cannot be “business as usual” with China until the border stand-off is resolved on mutually acceptable terms.

‘Allow Indian students to return’

Jaishankar also raised with his Chinese counterpart the issue of return of Indian students to China to resume their studies and hoped that Beijing will adopt a “non-discriminatory approach” on it.

“I took up strongly the predicament of Indian students studying in China who have not been allowed to return, citing Covid restrictions. We hope that China will take a non-discriminatory approach since it involves the future of so many young people,” Jaishankar said.

“Minister Wang Yi assured me that he would speak to the relevant authorities on his return on this matter. He also recognised the particular concerns that medical students have in this difficult situation,” he said.

A large number of Indian students had come back to India when China has closed down all universities following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. China had restricted travel by suspending visa and residence permits from March 27, 2020, in view of the pandemic.

‘There should be immediate ceasefire in Ukraine’

The two ministers agreed on the need for an immediate ceasefire and a return to the path of diplomacy and dialogue to defuse the war in Ukraine.

“Wang Yi presented the Chinese understanding, the Chinese view of the situation developed there and the developments pertaining to it, and I presented the Indian view,” Jaishankar said.

The external affairs minister said both sides discussed their respective approaches and perspectives and agreed that diplomacy and dialogue must be the priority.

“I think, the Indian view, many of you may have heard me speak about it yesterday in Parliament as well. And obviously, what he said was his view and what I said was my view, but where we had a common element was that both of us agreed on the importance of an immediate ceasefire as well as a return to diplomacy and dialogue,” he said.

The external affairs minister said in Parliament on 24 March that India’s position on the Russia-Ukraine conflict has been “steadfast and consistent” and that it wants resolution of the conflict through talks.

India has not criticised Russia yet for its invasion of Ukraine and also abstained from voting at the UN platforms in condemning the Russian attack.

China has close ties with Russia and it has been giving signals about its willingness to assist Moscow in offsetting the impact of economic sanctions announced by the US and other Western countries following the Russian attack on Ukraine.

Wang’s Kashmir remarks at OIC meet discussed

The external affairs minister said that the remark made by Chinese foreign minister at the OIC meet, which had sparked a strong response from New Delhi, featured in their talks.

Jaishankar said he conveyed to Wang that India hopes that China would follow an independent policy in respect to New Delhi and will not allow its policies to be influenced by other countries.

“Did the issue of what Minister Wang Yi said at the OIC (Organisation of Islamic Cooperation) Conference come up? Yes, it did. I referred to it. I explained to him, why we found that statement objectionable. It was a subject discussed at some length. There was a larger context as well,” Jaishankar told reporters.

“I conveyed that we hope that China would follow an independent policy in respect of India and not allow its policies to be influenced by other countries and other relationships,” said Jaishankar.

3,500 km long border, varied perceptions

The India-China border, stretching from Arunachal Pradesh in the east to Ladakh, is largely undemarcated. Both sides claim vast swathes of each other’s territory, primarily due to differences in perception about the exact location of the Line of Actual Control.

The border remained largely peaceful since the war of 1962, barring occasional skirmishes- until June 2020.

A violent clash erupted over a Chinese incursion into Indian territory and preventing Indian border patrols. 20 Indian soldiers were martyred when PLA troops attacked with hand-held weapons. Several reports said the Chinese side also suffered at least 35 casualties. However it has never been officially acknowledged by China.

Both sides deployed large number of troops and heavy weaponry in the region following the Galwan clash. The resulting stand-off has not been fully resolved, even after 15 rounds of military-level talks.

Growing trade, and the imbalance

Trade remains heavily tilted in Beijing’s favour. India’s trade deficit with China is the largest it has with any county, and the imbalance has been steadily widening.

The exports from India to China have increased from $10.17 billion in 2016-17 to $21.19 billion in 2020-21. The imports from China have increased from $61.28 billion to $65.21 billion during the same period.

More than 100 Chinese companies, including state-owned enterprises and electronics manufacturers that have come to dominate the country’s mobile phone market, operate in India.

Since the Galwan clash of 2020, New Delhi has tightened the screws on Chinese players by increasing scrutiny of investments or imports and banning some mobile apps.

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Sri Lanka hosted the fourth National Security Adviser-level trilateral meeting on maritime security cooperation with India and the Maldives. It took place after six years. The last meeting was held in New Delhi in 2014.

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According to a joint statement issued by Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Defence, the three countries – recognising the significance of the forum for promoting meaningful cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region on common issues pertaining to maritime security – took stock of the current maritime security environment in the region.

They discussed mutual cooperation in the areas of Maritime Domain Awareness, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief, Joint Exercises, Capacity Building, Maritime Security and Threats, Marine Pollution, and Maritime Underwater Heritage, it said.

They agreed to further strengthen cooperation in dealing with these challenges, to ensure peace and security in the region for common benefit, the joint statement said.

The three countries also exchanged views on common security threats and agreed to broad base cooperation by expanding the scope to improve intelligence sharing and include issues like terrorism, radicalisation, extremism, drugs, arms and human trafficking, money laundering, cyber security and effect of climate change on maritime environment, it said.

Chinese Influence

The meeting took place amidst China’s attempts to enhance its influence in the resource-rich Indo-Pacific region and the Indian Ocean.

China views the Maldives and Sri Lanka as key to its Maritime Silk Road project in the Indian Ocean. It has already acquired the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka on long lease and established a military base in Djibouti in the Horn of Africa.

The Heads of Delegations agreed to meet regularly to share, discuss and ensure timely implementation of decisions taken at the meeting. They also decided to hold Deputy NSA level working group meetings biannually for cooperation at operational level, according to the statement.

Mauritius and Seychelles were represented virtually at senior officials’ level, it said, adding that in view of the COVID-19 pandemic, the dialogue was conducted adhering to strict health guidelines using the ‘Air Bubble’ concept for the visiting delegations.

Sri Lanka, India and the Maldives launched the Trilateral NSA level Meeting on Maritime Security Cooperation in 2011 and three meetings have been held so far.

The past deliberations and outcomes have helped the three countries in improving close coordination in maritime security of the region. These were supplemented by Deputy NSA level meetings for sustained engagements and implementation of the discussions at the NSA level meetings, the statement said.

Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardena addressed the meeting as the chief guest. Foreign Secretary Admiral Prof. Jayanath Colombage also attended the event, the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry tweeted.

Doval, who arrived in Colombo on Friday for the dialogue, on Friday met Didi and held a cordial and detailed discussion on deepening bilateral partnership with the key island nation in the Indian Ocean.

He called on Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on Saturday and had a “productive” discussion with him on the ways to diversify and deepen the bilateral relationship.

NSA-Defence Secretary Meet

Doval also met Gunaratne on Friday and they agreed on several steps to further strengthen the “valuable” cooperation between the two countries which also contributes to peace and security in the region.

The high-level trilateral meeting is designed to initiate collective action on maritime security including maritime domain awareness, legal regimes, train in search and rescue, maritime pollution response, information sharing, curbing piracy drugs arms and contraband trafficking in the Indian Ocean region.

On Thursday, the External Affairs Ministry in New Delhi said the NSA-level trilateral meeting had served as an effective platform for cooperation among Indian Ocean countries.

“The meeting will provide an opportunity for discussion on issues pertaining to cooperation in maritime security in the Indian Ocean region,” the MEA said in a statement.

This is Doval’s second official visit to Sri Lanka this year. In January, he visited the island nation and discussed a range of bilateral issues, including strengthening cooperation in defence, intelligence sharing and maritime security with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

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The appointment of the CDS, perhaps the most significant reform in top military management in India, pending for almost two decades after the Kargil Review Committee (KRC) recommended it, is a major reform in India’s higher defence management.

The Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) also approved the report of a high-level committee, headed by National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval, which finalised responsibilities and the enabling framework for the CDS. Union information and broadcasting minister Prakash Javadekar said during the Cabinet briefing, “He will be drawing a salary equivalent to service chiefs, and will head the Department of Military Affairs to be created under the Ministry of Defence. He will function as its Secretary,”.

The Union Cabinet also approved the charter and duties of the CDS. He will be a 4-star general who will have all the powers like other secretaries, including financial.

The CDS will be first among equals among Service chiefs. However, in the list of protocol, the CDS will be higher than the service chiefs.

Questions Over Seniority

The CDS that has emerged from does not command, is not even in-chargeof the three Services – the army, navy and air force, “so as to be able to provide impartial advice to the political leadership.”

Appointing the CDS to a “secretary” post is being seen as a creative bypass to the contentious question of the CDS’s precedence and seniority. The three Service chiefs are currently senior to the defence secretary. Designating the CDS a “secretary”, on par with the defence secretary, amounts to a downgrade.

Main Tasks

The CDS will act as a single-point military adviser to the prime minister and defence minister on key defence and strategic issues.

The new post is aimed at revamping the functioning of the armed forces, including removal of “obsolete practices”, augmenting combat capabilities and rationalisation of facilities.

The main task of the CDS will be to ensure ‘jointmanship’ among the three Services. This will include powers to work on setting up few theatre commands as well as allocating military assets among the services to synergise their operations. At present, the three services coordinate their work under the framework of the Integrated Defence Staff (IDS), which will be subsumed into the new structure after appointment of the CDS.

Mandate for the CDS includes creation of theatre commands, which will be tri-services joint commands. The CDS has been given a tight three-year schedule to show results in creating jointness among the three Services in operations, training, logistics, maintenance, repair, communications and support services. At present, the three Services have their own separate streams for all such matters, thus increasing the cost of procurement and day-to-day expenses.

The government has tasked the CDS to ensure optimal utilisation of infrastructure. Evaluation of “out of area” plans, enhancing use of indigenous equipment and prioritising weapon and equipment procurement of each service as per available budget, will be done by the CDS.

The most crucial function of CDS will be to assign inter-services prioritisation to capital acquisition proposals of Army, Navy and Air Force based on the anticipated budget and will work to reduce wasteful expenditure. CDS will enable the armed forces to implement co-ordinateddefence doctrines and procedures and to foster cohesion among the three services.

The CDS will also be the permanent Chairman of Chiefs of Staff Committee, which has the three Service chiefs as its members. Until now, the chairmanship of the CoSC was held in rotation by the senior-most service chief for short periods and the arrangement was found to be unsatisfactory.

Andaman and Nicobar Command is the only tri-service theatre command of the Indian Armed Forces based at Port Blair. It is likely to continue to remain under the COSC. The tri-service agencies commands related to cyber and space will be under the CDS. In other tri-services units, the chief of the lead force will hold operational charge.

The CDS will act as the Principal Military Adviser to the Defence Minister on tri-services matters. The three Service chiefs will continue to advise the defence minister on matters exclusively concerning their respective forces.

The CDS will be barred from holding any government post after his retirement. And no private employment will be permitted for five years after demitting office.

CDS will implement five-year Defence Capital Acquisition Plan (DCAP), and two-year roll-on Annual Acquisition Plans (AAP), as a follow-up of the Integrated Capability Development Plan (ICDP). The CDS will be a member of the Defence Planning Committee chaired by the National Security Adviser (NSA).

Background

A high-level committee set up to examine the gaps in the country’s security system in the wake of the Kargil war in 1999 had called for appointment of a CDS as a single-point military adviser to the defence minister. A group of ministers (GoM) analysing required reforms in the national security system had also favoured appointing a CDS.

In 2012, the Naresh Chandra Task force had recommended creating the post of a permanent chairman of the COSC.

The appointment of a CDS was one of the most significant recommendations made by the K Subrahmanyam-led KRC that was constituted in the immediate aftermath of the 1999 KargilWar to examine lapses that allowed Pakistani soldiers to occupy strategic heights, the initial sluggish Indian response, and suggest measures to strengthen national security. The KRC report was tabled in Parliament in February 2000.

The KRC recommended the creation of a CDS as a means to provide single-point professional military advice to the political leadership and to also achieve synergy in the working of the three forces. The KRC was perhaps the most comprehensive look at the systemic failures that allowed the Pakistanis to occupy the strategic heights of Kargil.

A year later, in February 2001, a GoM, under then home minister LK Advani, submitted its report to then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The GoM was set up in April 2000 to review the national security system against the backdrop of the KRC recommendations. It recommended that a CDS be appointed. But the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) decided that the appointment of a CDS be taken up later after holding talks with different political parties.

Successive governments failed to build political consensus on appointing a CDS for almost two decades. The complete overhaul of India’s intelligence set-up and the creation of a younger and fitter army were among the most significant changes made by the government on the basis of recommendations of the KRC.

Some steps have been taken to improve jointness among the three services during the last two decades such as the creation of the HQ of the Integrated Defence Staff (IDS) and the raising of India’s first tri-service command – the Andaman and Nicobar Command. Created 18 years ago, the IDS is a single-point organisation for jointmanship that integrates policy, doctrine, war-fighting and military purchases.

However, prime minister Narendra Modi, on 15 August 2019, announced the creation of the new post.

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Gen Bipin Rawat,

PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, YSM, SM, VSM, ADC

Chief of Defence Staff

General Bipin Rawat assumed office of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) on 1 January 2020. As the CDS, General Rawat will be the Principal Military Advisor to the defence minister on all Tri-Services matters. He will also head Department of Military Affairs (DMA). The CDS will have a key role in ensuring optimum utilisation of allocated budget, usher in more synergy in procurement, training & operations of the Services through joint planning and integration. The CDS will facilitate indigenisation of weapons and equipment to the maximum extent possible while formulating the overall defence acquisition plan for the three Services.

On taking over, General Rawat vowed to work to create more synergy among the three Services.

Former Chief of of the Army Staff General Bipin Rawat, is an alumnus of National Defence Academy, Defence Services Staff College, Higher Command and National Defence College. He also attended the Command and General Staff Course at Fort Leavenworth in the United States.

During his distinguished career in the Army, General Rawat commanded an Infantry battalion along the Line of Actual Control in the Eastern Sector, a Rashtriya Rifles Sector, an Infantry Division in the Kashmir Valley and a Corps in the North East. General Rawat had also commanded a Multinational Brigade in the Democratic Republic of Congo as part of a United Nations peacekeeping force. As an Army Commander, he commanded a theatre of operations along the Western Front and was appointed the Vice Chief of the Army Staff before assuming office of Chief of the Army Staff.

During the span of over 41 years in the Army, General Rawat has been awarded several gallantry and distinguished service awards.

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What are CDS’s Powers and Responsibilities?

In rank and salary, Gen Bipin Rawat will remain the equal of the army, navy and air force chiefs, with the government having notified the CDS in “the rank of a four-star general with salary and perquisites equivalent to a service chief.” He is not the commander of all three Services – army, navy and air force. However, hewill also be the ex officio “Permanent Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee” (PC-COSC) – a body that includes all three service chiefs.

The government has specifically stated: “CDS will not exercise any military command, including over the three service chiefs.”

In rank, precedence and salary, Gen Rawat – like the three service chiefs – will be senior to the defence secretary, since service chiefs are the seniority equivalent of the cabinet secretary. Traditionally, the defence secretary, who heads the department of defence (DoD), enjoys greater importance than the MoD’s other four secretaries – who head the department of defence procurement (DDP), defence research and development (Defence R&D), ex-servicemen’s welfare (DESW) and defence finance (DDF). In the Allocation of Business Rules, the defence secretary is responsible for the “defence of India”.

Though the defence secretary has shed many of his responsibilities to the DMA, he retains responsibility for the defence of India and for making “defence policy”. He also remains responsible for all capital procurements from the defence budget. It is likely that, while the CDS will be nominally senior to the defence secretary, the latter will remain more influential.

As CDS, Gen Rawat can improve tri-service coordination and economise by eliminating duplication of military resources and facilities. He can also improve the military’s operational readiness by prioritising procurement of more urgently needed equipment. However, he can only list and prioritise requirements; the capital budget will be handled by the defence secretary.

The government has formally given the CDS the task of “restructuring of military commands for optimal utilisation of resources by bringing about jointness in operations, including through establishment of joint/theatre commands.”This would greatly improve the operational posture of the three services and create a culture of integrated tri-service operations. However, there is deep institutional resistance to creating theatre commands, especially from the air force.

The CDS will not be a single point military advisor to the government. The CDS notification states he “will act as the principal military adviser to Raksha Mantri (RM) on all tri-services matters. The three chiefs will continue to advise RM on matters exclusively concerning their respective services.” This is against Services ethos. It defangs the CDS’s opinion.

As head of the new “Department of Military Affairs” (DMA) in the MoD, the CDS will oversee substantive matters relating to the three Services, including promotions, postings and foreign assignments. This will translate into enormous power.

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