The Popular Front of India (PFI) was registered at Delhi under the Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860 with the purpose to establish a classless society in which freedom, justice and security are enjoyed by all. The PFI has its headquarters in New Delhi, is present in almost 23 states and is prominently active in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Assam, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.

The organisation was using passive methods to attain larger goals and objectives which run against India’s social fabric. It was found to be involved in several transnational terror activities and many social and political conflicts in India.

PFI members were exposed as ‘ISIS sympathiser’ on Facebook and linked with Harkat Ul Jihad al- Islami, Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and Al Qaeda.

The PFI was regarded as a reincarnation of the National Development Front (NDF) set up in 1994 in Kerala. In 2006, the NDF was dissolved and re-emerged with the name of PFI, presumably to focus on socio-economic issues ailing minorities – in particular the Kerala-based Muslim community.

The PFI is not just a reincarnation of the NDF – instead there exist multiple shells of organisations within organisations out of which the PFI has emerged.

In 1948 the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) came into existence. The IUML is a political party in Kerala, recognised by the Election Commission of India, which later became the leading party as a part of the United Democratic Front (UDF) led by the Indian National Congress in Kerala since the 1970s.

Next came in line was the Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS) established in the state of Kerala in 1992 so as to counter the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – which was also a pan-Islamic movement in nature claiming to be superficially working for the welfare of minorities.  

However, the ISS came into limelight during the Babri Mosque demolition in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, in the year 1992. It was eventually banned by the government of India. It was discovered that ISS leaders had connections with the ISI in Pakistan. 

As the government proscribed the ISS, it made way for another organisation called the National Development Front established in 1994 in Kerala and intending to focus on socio-economic issues of minorities, especially on Muslim communities in Kerala. NDF’s modus operandi is Da’wa – which means it is missionary in nature, propagating Islam to other communities as well.

The NDF came into limelight only after some among the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) started getting noticed for their extremist jihadi activities and for their call for the liberation and Islamic conversion of India.

One of the members of the SIMI, Prof. P. Koya, began to attend mosque prayers and sponsor post prayer gatherings interactions with the Jamaat-e-Islami in Kerala. He formed another group called the National Democratic Front (NDF). 

After the SIMI was banned in 2001 (after 9/11), the NDF reincarnated itself as the Popular Front of India in 2006.

Interestingly the PFI’s preamble also mentioned that it worked towards socio-economic, cultural and political empowerment of the deprived. Its goals included working for the welfare of Dalits; tribal peoples; religious, the linguistic and cultural minorities; backward classes and women. With these objectives, the PFI justified its existence under the Societies Registration Act (PFI, Constitution).

The PFI’s Modus Operandi

Even though the organisation came into existence aiming for Muslim empowerment, the PFI’s modus-operandi has been to showcase the Muslim agenda as a side show. Instead they kept the issues of vulnerable societies (Women, labours, farmers, Dalits, Adivasi) at the forefront. 

This provided them with the cover of a charitable organisation working for the welfare of minorities and the weaker sections of the society. This was meant to fool the government.

Security agencies alleged that the SIMI ideology influenced its leaders. The PFI’s ultimate goal was to replace the democratic system of India with an Islamic State styled government. The PFI, which calls India its enemy and asks for ‘total Muslim empowerment’, was under scanner in Kerala for its alleged anti-India ideology.

The PFI ran projects like ‘School Chalo’ to encourage education for all up to the secondary level, as well as the ‘Sarva Siksha Gram’ and ‘Adopt a students’ campaigns. These campaigns and projects not only provided them legitimacy to function openly but also provided them cover over their actual missionary work. The PFI’s members believed that India was a democratic country. The doctrine was that slowly they (government of India) were reaching for their necks because of (political and social reasons). PFI members believed that if their rights were breached, then they would be left with no choice but to react – and their holy text provided for a jihad, which they would not be reluctant to utilise and justify their acts. 

PFI maintained the image of a charitable organisation and worked for the ultimate goal establishing an Islamic state by converting and spreading fear through terror acts.

The organisation very ingeniously used one of the features of its preamble on the Dalit and Tribal upliftment and protection of their political rights. This helped the PFI to gain the support of the Bhim Army led by Chandrashekhar Azad, which worked for Dalit Welfare and who also joined the anti-CAA and NRC protests.

The PFI pursued a strategy aimed at communalising Indian polity (Jain, 2017), enforcing Islam, heightening existing social divisions and maintaining a trained bank of volunteers for carrying out actions in the field.

The “PFI had consistently been indulging in actions detrimental to overall national security,” the NIA declared while blaming the outfit for seeking to impose religious orthodoxy on Muslims and using sister outfits like the Sathya Sarani based in Malappuram so as to carry out “forceful conversions” (Jain, 2017).

The outfit seeks the opportunity to enforce religious obscurantism on Muslims and uses its sister organisation Sathya Sarani to perform “forceful conversions” (Gupta, 2020). The PFI has been linked with alleged cases of love jihad in Kerala. In 2017, the NIA, which was then investigating 94 ‘love jihad’ cases registered by the Kerala Police, held four PFI-linked men for forced conversion of Akhila Ashokan in the Hadiya case (Swamy, 2019).

Even though the PFI does not have faith in the constitution of India or its judicial system, its members did not hesitate to use some constitutional powers for their benefit. The PFI believed that the constitution gave them the right to protest. And if the government of India seized such rights, they would be left with no choice but to turn to jihad. In truth, the organisation neither has a true understanding of Islam nor respects the Indian democratic system.

The group also sponsors pronouncedly anti-Zionist and pro-Palestine protests in various parts of country. In July 2014, they started a campaign with nationwide solidarity in favour of Palestinians. The campaign was called “I am Gaza” and was inspired by a series of rallies that took place in several parts of the world (YouTube, 2014).

Cadres of the banned outfit SIMI fast regrouped under the banner of the PFI. This outfit has expanded its tentacles to the north after carrying out the initial recruitment in South India. The spreading tentacles of the PFI and Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the political wing of the PFI, came to light only when its members became influenced by the taqreer (speeches) of Zakir Naik.

Previously, the members of Kerala-based PFI were arrested on charges of instigating violence in UP, Assam. It was also accused of fanning flames in Karnataka (Swamy, 2019) against North-Eastern peoples, resulting in a mass exodus.

The Popular Front of India protested across the country against the CAA, NRC, and NPR. Its epicentre is located in Shaheen Bagh, New Delhi. It successfully exploited the sense of insecurity created within the Muslim community through various policies and misled the people massively through distorted narratives.

Soon after a few members of the PFI were arrested in connection to the Jafarabad riots, it was found by the Enforcement Directorate that the PFI was receiving funding from various sources.

In 2012 PFI members organised a march to parliament, demanding 10 per cent reserved seats for Muslims (Staff Reporter, 2012). The reasons given in favour of the reservation were as follows:

1) the Constitutional Right of the individual to seek equal opportunity for self-growth and

2) the fight against the backwardness of the Muslim community (confirmed through a quoted minute of a high-level government committee meeting).

In 2012, the PFI launched a promotional campaign ‘why the Popular Front of India?’ where it reiterated upon its mission to restore the rights of the depressed and marginalised sections of the Indian society (Staff Reporter, 2012).

The Intelligence Bureau (IB) has found that some radical organisations, including the Kerala-based PFI, made efforts to send messages to countries in West Asia about the ongoing updating of the NRC (Ranjan, 2017).

Linkages with Terror Outfits and Transnational Activities

Since its inception, PFI’s linkages were found in numerous cases under various sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), the Arms Act and the Explosives Act. While it had a strong foothold in Kerala, the PFI has expanded across the country and included similar-minded groups into their fold such as the Tamil Nadu-based Manitha Neethu Pasarai and the Karnataka Forum for Dignity, among others.

In India, the PFI has been suspected of being involved in several political killings and religious conversions.

The investigation agency also claimed that the PFI and its members had been involved in sending the youth of Kerala to Afghanistan, Syria, and Turkey so as to join Daesh and ISIS. 

On March 25, 2020, in Gurudwara Har Rai Sahib in Kabul, Afghanistan, an attack took place, killing 25 people and injuring approximately 80 more. One of the suicide bombers in the Gurudwara attack was a 29-year-old man called Muhammad Mushin – alias ‘Abu Khalid Al- Hindi’. He was from Kerala, and an active member of the PFI. The Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP) took the responsibility and shared the image of the Kerala boy in their magazine Al Naba – whose caption stated that ‘he avenged the atrocities on the Muslims in India’.

The PFI’s role has been established in the Easter bombing case. PFI’s actions were also found in the Pune German Bakery case – support was provided to the Indian unit of the LeT.

The NIA busted an Islamic State (IS) module in Kerala and Tamil Nadu which was allegedly planning to carry out major strikes in several parts of south India; the probe revealed that one of the module’s senior members — Mujeeb alias Omar Al Hindi– was associated with the PFI and inclined towards the ideology of the so-called ‘caliphate’ led by Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi. 

Financing of the PFI

The financing of the PFI was mostly achieved through its membership schemes and also through a donation from individuals in the name of Zakat, which is one of the five main pillars of Islam.

PFI members travelled to the Gulf and Saudi Arabia for fundraising. Also, people living in the Southern part of India and enjoying Gulf connections due to their family working in that region also came back for festivals and made large donations. Several people in Iran and the Middle East also sent donations.

These donations mostly came in the name of social welfare – sometimes for girl child education, mosque construction or madrasa (religious school) establishments. However, they were used for unethical activities. Several such organisations and societies had their licence cancelled under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) after being found to be involved in certain illegal activities.

The Muslim Relief Network (MRN), an NGO started by the PFI, was another entity through which it organised funds – particularly from West Asia – in return for raising voices for the Palestine cause and pressure Indian government.

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In the largest terror operation of its kind, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) carried out wide nationwide searches, on 22 September, at the premises of people involved in terror-related activities. Nearly 100 people, including top leaders of the Popular Front of India (PFI), have been arrested following midnight raids.

The searches were carried out by the NIA and Enforcement Directorate (ED) at several locations across 13 states including Bihar, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, and Telangana.

Searches were conducted in the residential and official premises of people involved in terror funding, organizing training camps, and radicalizing people to join proscribed organizations.

The maximum number of arrests were made in Kerala (22) followed by Maharashtra and Karnataka (20 each), Andhra Pradesh (5), Assam (9), Delhi (3), Madhya Pradesh (4), Puducherry (3), Tamil Nadu (10), Uttar Pradesh (8) and Rajasthan (2).

39 locations were raided in Kerala. Searches were also conducted at one location in each in Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Manipur.

Director general of the NIA supervised the operation which included around 300 officers.

Chargesheet Filed

The NIA has earlier investigated over a dozen cases linked to PFI in which 355 persons have been charge-sheeted and 46 convicted.

According to the charge sheet filed by the ED, PFI has formed District Executive Committee in UAE, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and other places to raise funds. Targets are given to individuals to collect cash and transfer the same through Hawala or camouflaged as genuine business transactions.

Shocking revelation of the Popular Front of India (PFI) planned to liquidate several RSS-BJP leaders came to light when Special Investigation Team arrested PFI activist Sirajjuddin on September 17 in connection with the brutal murder of RSS leader Srinivasan on April 16. A list of 12 RSS-BJP leaders to be assassinated from Malappuram was seized from him. Several incriminating documents were also seized from him, a Malappuram native.

The ED, during the investigation, analyzed more than 600 domestic contributors and their bank accounts and also looked at accounts of more than 2,600 beneficiaries. The agency has found that many of these accounts were bogus and people on the ground were not found during physical verification, the agency stated.

Second Round of Raids

The second round of searches was carried out at 93 locations in 15 states, including Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Delhi, Assam, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Goa, West Bengal, Bihar and Manipur. Earlier in September, the NIA had raided 38 locations in Telangana and two in Andhra Pradesh and seized digital devices, documents, weapons, and cash.

Meanwhile, PFI members staged protests in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka against the arrests.

Ban on PFI

The Centre declared the PFI and its associates or affiliates and fronts as an ‘unlawful association’ under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). A ban has also been imposed on these outfits for five years.

According to a government notification issued 27 September, PFI and its associates or affiliates and fronts have been indulging in unlawful activities that are prejudicial to the integrity, sovereignty and security of the country. It further added that these organisations have the potential to disturb public peace and communal harmony of the country and support militancy.

The notification added that though the PFI had been operating openly as a socio-economic, educational and political organisation, it has been pursuing a secret agenda to radicalise a particular section of society, thereby undermining the constitution.

The order said there have been instances where the PFI members were found to have links with terrorist groups. Some of its members have even joined ISIS and participated in terror activities in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan.

The Rise and Fall of PFI

The PFI’s formation was announced in 2006 in Bengaluru. It had since spread to Manipur, Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and West Bengal. PFI also has a strong presence in Kerala, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu.

PFI has links to proscribed organisations like the  Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, the centre’s notification said some of PFI’s founding members were the leaders of the banned organisation Students Islamic Movement Of India (SIMI).

The affiliate organisations of the PFI include Rehab India Foundation (RIF), Campus Front of India (CFI), All India Imams Council (AIIC), National Confederation of Human Rights Organization (NCHRO), National Women’s Front, Junior Front, Empower India Foundation and Rehab Foundation.

In the late 1980s, K.T. Mammu, a copra businessman from Vadakara in the Kozhikode district of Kerala, started an organisation named Muslim Cultural Centre as a “defensive move” against intimidation from the late A. Kanaran, a CPI(M) strongman from Nadapuram. This resulted in sporadic clashes between cadres of the Muslim League and CPI(M)—a fight that eventually earned a communal colour.

Mammu’s MCC was centred around kalaris (training centres for the martial art form, Kalaripayatt). He took the help of certain personalities associated with the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI)—which came into existence originally as the student wing of Jamaat-i-Islami and was banned in 2001, immediately after the September 11 attack on the United States—to run the centre.

E. Abubacker, P. Koya and E.M. Abdurahiman – all former office-bearers of SIMI—were the core team of the National Development Front (NDF), formed on November 14, 1993, inspired by Islamist reactionary movements that emerged in different places in India because of the Mandir-Masjid dispute. Thirteen years later, NDF, along with two similar outfits that emerged in the post-Babri Masjid period—Karnataka Forum for Dignity of Karnataka and Manitha Neethi Pasari from Tamil Nadu—would form the Popular Front of India.

Since its formative years, NDF figured frequently in political and communal killings in the state. In May 1997, they organised a conference on human rights, which decided to form an umbrella body of various human rights and civil liberties organisations. Thus was formed the Confederation of Human Rights Organisations (CHRO). In the early days, the organisation’s activities were restricted to Kerala. However, in 2007—after the formation of PFI—CHRO also became national. NCHRO was also banned on September 28 as a front organisation of PFI.

The PFI leaders played crucial roles in building several such NGOs, trusts and socio-cultural organisations in the last 15 years. These organisations were used by PFI to gain more acceptance in the community. PFI maintained that all these organisations were independent entities. Many of these front organisations also have been banned now. Their non-profit charity, Rehab India Foundation, claimed to have worked in poverty reduction and educational segment; their think tank Empower India Foundation’s flagship project was ‘India 2047’, which envisaged “ameliorating the current socio-political-economic-cultural-educational status of Muslim community in India by 2047.”

All India Imams Council, their organisation for religious scholars, Imams and madrasa teachers was floated in 2013. In 2009, The year 2019, the PFI launched its political outfit Social Democratic Party of India—with Abubacker as the founder president—its student organisation Campus Front of India and its women’s organisation National Women’s Front. Both CFI and NWF are banned now. Darul Khuda, another organisation they set up in 2009, allegedly acted as a “parallel judiciary” settling family problems, land and property disputes and other grievances under ‘Shariah’ at certain pockets.

Satya Sarini charitable trust, a missionary centre supported by the PFI, imparted religious lessons to persons who convert to Islam from other religions. The centre was in the eye of controversy when the Hadiya religious conversion case of 2017-2018—in which PFI defended the allegations that it is catering “forced” conversions—became a talking point.

Ashraf Moulavi, state president of SDPI, maintains that the SDPI has a different ideology and existence than PFI. Moulavi adds that because SDPI and PFI are two separate entities, the ban against PFI will not affect the SDPI. SDPI is a party registered with the Election Commission, however, without the Union government initiating actions, EC will not be able to make any major steps against SDPI.

If NDF was primarily a phenomenon in northern Kerala, PFI-SDPI had built a pan-Kerala presence in the last 15 years.

It was in the late 2000s that the IUML and other Muslim organisations openly started coming up with measures to isolate the NDF and PFI. A crucial incident that led to this was when the PFI activists chopped off the right hand of professor T.J. Joseph on July 4, 2010, accusing him of blasphemy.

In 2009, the Union home minister wrote a letter saying that there are certain pockets in Kerala where the police do not have any access and that it should not be allowed. So, the governments knew that they are developing such Sharia-ruled pockets. There are hundreds of such pockets in Kerala now.

On December 4, 2019, the home ministry sought information from all states about cases registered against PFI activists from November 2016 to November 2019. The maximum number of cases registered against PFI activists was in Kerala. In those three years, the maximum number of cases (104) was registered in Kerala. This was primarily for stoking communal tension, violent clashes, attempts to murder, provocative sloganeering, possession of arms, illegal assembly and sedition. The PFI activists were allegedly involved in at least five murder cases.

Political observers cite that a lenient attitude shown towards these extremist elements by the successive governments in Kerala catered for their transition from one form to another.

Over the years, the PFI built its money power also. The NIA estimates that it received over Rs120 crore as foreign funds.

PFI tried to portray themselves as the protectors of poor Muslims. They used to run a propaganda in Kerala that they are the only force to fight RSS in north India. In certain high-profile cases, they could manage to get their people out of jail. Showing this, they created an image that they can protect anybody which is a bluff. They also spread propaganda about their so-called ‘charity works’ in north India.

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The searches were carried out by the National Investigation Agency and Enforcement Directorate at several locations across 13 states including Bihar, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, and Telangana.

In what is being termed the “largest ever investigation process till date”, sources in the NIA said that searches were conducted in the residential and official premises of people involved in terror funding, organizing training camps, and radicalizing people to join proscribed organizations.

The maximum number of arrests were made in Kerala (22) followed by Maharashtra and Karnataka (20 each), Andhra Pradesh (5), Assam (9), Delhi (3), Madhya Pradesh (4), Puducherry (3), Tamil Nadu (10), Uttar Pradesh (8) and Rajasthan (2).

According to the charge sheet filed by the ED, PFI has formed District Executive Committee in UAE, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and other places to raise funds. Targets are given to individuals to collect cash and transfer the same through Hawala or camouflaged as genuine business transactions.

The ED during the investigation analyzed more than 600 domestic contributors and their bank accounts and also looked at accounts of more than 2,600 beneficiaries. The agency has found that many of these accounts were bogus and people on the ground were not found during physical verification, the agency stated.

One of the beneficiaries of this money was Anshad Baseudeen. He was arrested by UP ATS with IEDs, a pistol, and live cartridges. PFI has transferred Rs. 3.5 lakh from the account of PFI. This shows PFI was involved in terror activities, the ED stated in the charge sheet.

The NIA had earlier carried out searches at over 40 locations in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana linked to PFI, following which four people were detained. Incriminating materials, including digital devices, documents, two daggers, and cash worth over Rs 8 lakh had been seized.

Meanwhile, PFI members staged protests in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka against the arrests.

“The raids are taking place at the homes of national, state, and local leaders of PFI. The state committee office is also being raided. We strongly protest the fascist regime’s moves to use agencies to silence dissenting voices,” the PFI said in a statement.

Shocking revelation of the Popular Front of India (PFI) planned to liquidate several RSS-BJP leaders came to light when Special Investigation Team arrested PFI activist Sirajjuddin on September 17 in connection with the brutal murder of RSS leader Srinivasan on April 16. A list of 12 RSS-BJP leaders to be assassinated from Malappuram was seized from him. Several incriminating documents were also seized from him, a Malappuram native.

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Over the last several decades, many Wahhabi organisations developed, flourished and survived in India. Most escaped the reach of our agencies and the strategic community, either because of lack of sufficient knowledge or lack of adequate political will to tackle them. The most prominent feature of such organisations is the legal umbrella under which they operate. They often work under the garb of rights ad charity groups, NGOs and religious institutions. However, internally they work to radicalise the demography selected by them, which is across faiths. This leads to polari sation, fuels hatred and causes germination of fundamentalist terrorist ideologies. A sophisticated network of organisations managed to thrive despite the heavy machinery of the Indian state.

Case of So-called Charities

The role of external support to such organisations is the most potent driving factor in the spread of radical ideologies in India. For instance, the import of Saudi endorsed hard-line Wahhabi ideology in the 1980s sprouted the seed of extremism in the Kashmir Valley. In the most recent example, the Middle East Forum, a Philadelphia-based organisation, came across a massive cache of documents associated with Qatar-based Sheikh Eid Bin Mohammad Al Thani Charitable Association, also referred to as Eid Charity. It is claimed that Eid Charity, perhaps out of ignorance of the nature of the donees, funnelled millions of dollars since 2008-09 into India, funding organisations associated with the Wahhabi school of thought that is in fact antithetical to Islam. Eid Charity came under global scrutiny in 2013 when one of its founders, Abd Al-Rahman al-Nu’aymi, was named as Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGTs) by the US Department of Treasury. He was sanctioned for providing financial and material support to Al Qaeda and its affiliates in Syria, Yemen, Iraq and Somalia. The association also works with other charity groups in Qatar, such as Qatar Charity and Foundation Sheikh Thani Ibn Abdullah for Humanitarian Services (RAF). Donations made by these are under investigation in the US and elsewhere. Qatar needs to avoid falling into the FATF “Grey List” in the manner that its close allies Pakistan and Turkey have.

Investigation of documents revealed over 1,200 transactions made to India either directly under the name of Eid Charity or through individualistic contributions. A total of QR 28.492855 million (USD 7.82 million approx.) were transferred to eight organisations in India. The money was distributed for projects ranging from direct financial support within the Muslim community to other religious and community action programs such as building/supporting mosques and building handpumps.

The Kerala-based Salafi Philanthropic Society, registered as Salafi Charitable Trust Narikkuni, received the largest cache of funds, involving around USD 4.9 million between 2008-17. This charity group is run by another Qatar-based charity group mentioned earlier, RAF. The RAF is run by a royal family member of Qatar and was black-listed for terror financing by Arab nations in 2017. The Foundation has serious charges levied against it, including funding Al Qaeda affiliated groups Al Nusra in Syria and arming Muslim-Brotherhood-backed fighters in Sudan. It denies such charges.

A large part of the money received by Salafi Charitable Trust was meant to be directed towards individual financial assistance within the poor Muslim population. Money was also given for projects such as countrywide distribution/promotions of Hijab. Dr Hussain Madavoor runs the trust as its chairman. He is one of Kerala’s most prominent religious figures and vice president of one of Kerala’s largest faith-based organisations, Kerala Nadvathul Mujahideen (KNM), which has tried to project itself as a progressive group over the years.

In a video message posted on Facebook in 2018, Dr Madavoor supported Peace Education Foundation and its founder and managing director, M.M. Akbar. Peace Education Foundation has been on the radar of security agencies since 2016 when it came to public notice that several ISIS recruits from Kerala had an association with the foundation. Akbar is known for his controversial speeches and is often called “Zakir Naik of Kerala”, another Islamic preacher absconding from India on terrorism and money laundering charges. Akbar was arrested in 2017 while trying to fly to Qatar on the charges of radicalising school children through alleged radical content in Peace-funded schools.

In an audio message released by ISIS-KP, Abdul Rashid Abdullah, the mastermind behind the ISIS module in Kerala and former employee at Peace Foundation, claimed that there are ISIS supporters among the teachers and parents of Peace schools. He also alleged that during a public interview, the group tried to conceal the identity of at least two former employees of Peace Foundation who travelled to Afghanistan to join ISIS-KP.

During our investigation, it was found that Eid Charity funded an organisation named Peace Education Centre. It is hard to ascertain the identity of this organisation, which almost received all the funds in the name of financial support to an orphanage. However, the only possible link could be with the Peace Education Foundation mentioned above, which runs several educational and charitable institutions for orphans. If Peace Education Foundation received money from Eid Charity, it would be the most direct evidence of Eid Charity funding organisations in India that are alleged to be involved in radicalisation activities.

Eid Charity’s second-largest reserve of funds to India is transferred in the name of Symposium Educational Charitable Society. This organisation received around USD 2.01 million, yet our investigation disclosed no traces of any organisation with such a name in the public domain. Following the transactions, it came into notice that the money was transferred for projects mainly in the Siddharthnagar district of the northern state of Uttar Pradesh. A large sum of this money was given to Al-Farooq Group based in the Itwa area of the district. This group is directly funded by Eid Charity and is known for its dismissive stand against Sufi Islam, which is widely practised in India. The Itwa area also harbours other organisations with foreign backing, propagating fundamentalist Wahhabi interpretations that are intolerant towards non-Wahhabi Muslim sects.

Another organisation named Al Safa Educational, Industrial and Islamic Charitable Society received funds from Eid Charity. Another controversial preacher runs it from Kerala, Maulana Sheikh Meraj Rabbani, who was also arrested in 2010 over hate speech against other Muslim sects, including Barelvis and Sufis. Rabbani was also amongst several radical preachers in Kerala whose speeches allegedly aided the radicalisation of ISIS recruits. Rabbani is also involved in a high-profile Heera Gold fraud case, where he is alleged to have urged people to invest in a Ponzi scheme.

Most interestingly, a large amount of Eid Charity money is transferred to Al Safa in the name of supporting the operation of the Salafi Charitable Trust mentioned above. It shows that money from Qatar is circulated within these Salafist organisations. Many groups may only exist to work as proxy organisations to escape the scrutiny of law enforcement agencies and tax regulatory bodies. This could also be true since other recipients in the Eid Charity list, such as Al-Habib Educational and Charitable Foundation and Relevance Charitable Foundation, are publicly ghost, and our investigation couldn’t find any traces of their existence. These groups may be shell organisations, the most common practice amongst institutions funding global extremism and radicalisation.

Sowing Seeds of Extremism

The whole investigation shows that this funding mechanism has evolved and acquired a sophisticated form over the last several years. The non-uniformity of transactional patterns makes it almost impossible to ascertain the actual purpose for these funds. The money comes under small heads for small-scale undertakings, which are extremely hard to trace and makes it almost impossible to link this money with any nefarious anti-national activity. Most of these organisations have almost no online and popular media presence. Our investigation also couldn’t find any public records of using these funds or any social media promotion of any of the projects, a standard practice of other mainstream charity groups.

Another major cause of concern is the financial support for certain organisations in Kerala. Over the past years, this southern state of India has become the hub of radicalisation and recruitment ground for several transnational extremist groups. Some organisations in Kerala have constantly been accused of supporting violent extremism, and several ISIS recruits from the state have been associated and radicalised through them. Banned Kerala-based Islamist terror groups such as the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and groups like Popular Front of India (PFI) have used hardcore teachings to radicalise youth and recruitment. The fact that raises alarm is that these transactions also match the period when radicalisation and extremist trends in Kerala acquired a steeper trajectory. India has a rich history of progressive Islamic practices for centuries, and an external targeted design promoting extremism could disrupt the social fabric and become problematic for India’s national integrity. The recent decision by Government of India to tighten the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) is a welcome step in this direction. However, much more comprehensive tracking of suspect organisations is needed at the grass-roots level. Indian security and strategic community need to build a holistic approach to eradicate such networks, including through extensive involvement of civil society. Authorities in Qatar need to be made aware that without their knowledge or involvement, the kingdom may follow Turkey and Pakistan on the FATF grey list, given the extensive international investigation into the doings of several of its citizens.

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According to the dossier, the PFI had been actively operating through its various front affiliations such as Rehab Foundation, the Indian Social Forum and Indian Fraternity Forum. These organisations are suspected of propagating Islamic fundamentalism and have known to have raised funds in Dubai to be sent to PFI in India.

“The Indian Fraternity Forum in Bahrain, UAE, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia is also involved in raising funds for it” it was stated in the dossier.

A newspaper quoted a government official involved, who alleged that “Senior PFI leaders visit these countries and urge members to facilitate in jobs to Indian Muslims so that the base of the organisation expands along with the funds flow”. The dossier concluded a large network has been established by the PFI “with at least 80,000 cadres and a presence in 24 Indian states.”

Since the arrest of 25 PFI members by the UP police, on 19 December 2019, for their active role in stirring violence in anti-CAA protests, a call for a ban on the organization has been initiated.

In another case, the Lisari Gate police in Meerut arrested Anees Khalifa, a PFI member. He was accused for inciting violence during the anti-CAA protests in UP on 20 December 2019.Anees Khalifa was arrested for opening fire on the police and for supplying weapons and ammunition to the participants of the protest.

The Union Law Minister, Ravi Shankar Prasad, claimed the possibility of active presence of PFI in the violence surrounding the anti-CAA protests and said that his ministry would consider taking action against the organisation based on evidence. He also highlighted the links between the PFI and the banned Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Mohsin Raza, UP Minister of state for minority welfare also released a statement accusing PFI of misleading the Muslim youths and for spreading Islamic radicalisation in India. He, too, refereed to PFI as a “front for SIMI” and claimed that the organisation “received its funding from Pakistan’s intelligence wing ISI”.

With the tumultuous situation in UP after the declaration of CAA, the UP government sought a ban on PFI with the home ministry. This was followed by the governments of Assam and Karnataka as well. Delhi’s Lt Governor Anil Baijal permitted the Delhi Police to detain people under the NSA (National Security Act, 1980) from 19 January 2020 to April 18, 2020. The National Executive Council of PFI condemned his order to impose National Security Act (NSA) in Delhi, calling it a “draconian law” which “legalizes denial of Constitutional rights in the name of national security”. PFI claimed the order to be a desperate action to contain the anti-CAA protests in areas such as Jamia Millia Islamia, Jama Masjid, Shaheen Bagh and Jantar Mantar.

PFI and its functionaries are infamously known for their extremist and militant activities based on the narrative of Islam. They openly profess their purpose is to “Establish an egalitarian society in which freedom and justice is enjoyed by all”. The mission statement itself raises many questions about the PFI, given that they are inhibitors of anti-CAA protests, where the slogans of “Azadi, Bharat tere tukde honge” and the threats of “raktabhan kataaron se katana” for those who oppose them, has proved to be in contradiction to its own claimed purpose.

Affiliations and Network

Since its formation, the goal of the front was clear – to exercise inordinate influence using the channel of human rights movements and protests by aligning itself with civil rights groups and various minority groups to gain the popular demographic acknowledgment.

The organisation has freely advocated its anti-Imperialist and anti-Zionist ideologies, which were seen in the pro-Palestine protests in various parts of the country in November 2012. Later, in 2014, they fashioned the campaign “I am Gaza.” In 2015, the Popular Front also protested against the capital punishment given to an elected leader, Mohamed Morsi and his followers in front of the Egyptian embassy in New Delhi. It is evident that the PFI has aspired to gain networks and influence nationally and internationally with the several campaigns and activities it has undertaken and which are not limited to Indian matters.

Through its founder E. Abubacker, PFI has managed to build a pan-India network. He was the founder President of Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), Founder Chairman of National Development Front (NDF), part of the All India Milli Council (2005), State President for Students Islamic Movement of India (1982), founding Member of All India Muslim Personal Law Board and Managing Editor for Thejas Daily newspaper and India Next Hindi magazine.

The organization was born as a successor to the NDF in 2006 in Kerala. It strengthened its multi-state dimensional influence by merging with Manitha Neethi Pasarai, Karnataka Forum for Dignity and many other similar ideology-based organisations. Retired Lt Gen PC Katoch has pointed out the existing link between the PFI and Pakistan’s ISI network. In his article “PFI to The Fore”, he highlighted the Assam riots in 2012, which were triggered due to the hate campaign launched in South India against the people of the North East. The happening was linked to the affiliates of Manita Neeti Pasaraj and Karnataka Forum for Dignity. There was a large exchange of messages, which were also uploaded from Pakistan simultaneously.

By 2009, it merged with Goa’s Citizen’s Forum, Rajasthan’s Community Social and Educational Society, West Bengal’s Nagarik Adhikar Suraksha Samiti, Manipur’s Lilong Social Forum and Andhra Pradesh’s Association of Social Justice. PFI has built a network of sister affiliations such as Rehab India Foundation, Indian Fraternity Forum, Confederation of Muslim Institutions in India, Muslim Relief Network (MRN) and Sathya Sarini. These auxiliary branches operate as the front groups, which collect the funds internationally. The group, while maintaining its image as a non-profit organisation, also claimed to have strong ties with the National Confederation of Human Rights Organisations.

Along similar lines as Mishra Commission (National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities), PFI claims it addresses the discrimination and the inequality faced by Muslims in India. In the past, PFI has conducted many protests against the use of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act [UAPA] to detain citizens they considered innocent.

Apart from the internal radicalisation permeating from areas of the south, the growing influence of ISIS, AL Qaeda and ISI-LeT must also be monitored in Malidives and Sri Lanka, given its close proximity to India and the ties these groups share with PFI.

Connection with Khalistanis

PFI’s deep connection and vested interest in forming a Sikh- Muslim communal alliance is now being reflected in the call for Khalistani Referendum 2020.

The Front (along with its Khalistani alliance partner) has jointly acted on matters such as the Anti-Sikh riots in 1982 and Babri Masjid demolition of 1992. There has been a symbiotic relation of the PFI-Sikh alliance which has been also seen post the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) and post CAA promulgation. With the anti-CAA protests erupting in the country, the call for Khalistan referendum 2020 has also simultaneously been pushed at the precise moment. Various online applications have found their way into Google store such as Punjab Referendum 2020, Register to Vote 2020 Khalistan and Justice for Sikhs. What is intriguing is that the timing of the launch of the applications coincides with the civil unrest conducted by the anti-CAA lobbies in which the PFI is involved. Also to be noted, the apps on registration provides a strict warning to the applicant, dissuading the registration if the person is a part of the NIA, RAW, CBI or any other Intelligence Agency of India.

Regardless of the Muslim-Khalistani alliance promoted by the PFI, it is intriguing to note how two communal groups would commence parallel plays at the specific time when the country faces turmoil in face of violent anti-CAA protests.

Past Anti-National Activities

Apart from the reputation the PFI tries to maintain, it has been accused of various notorious, anarchist and anti-national activities. Since its inception it is has been accused of having links with certain Islamic terror outfits, possessing arms, running kidnapping rackets, murders, promoting Love Jihad, funding and organising riots against the government, promotion of hate speech against the non-Muslims and for various other religious extremist activities. The PFI is well known for running Da`wa centres as well, which focuson the forced conversions of non-Muslims to Islam as reported by the NIA. It is believed to have a strong connection with Sathya Sarini in Malapurram, which has been carrying the “forced conversions.”

In 2010, the members of the Front were linked with the brutal assault on Prof. TJ Joseph, who published a controversial paper, supposedly insulting the Prophet Muhammad. The charges were denied by the organisation, which further claimed to be fabricated as a ploy to malign the name of the organisation.

The Front has centres which ply as efficient cogs in a “well-oiled machinery”, consisting of squads, experts in bomb makings and IEDS and intelligence units. These centres are known to provide martial arts training to its members and to also conduct special training in indoctrination.

In 2012, the Government of Kerala in its argument to ban PFI`s Independence Day programme “Freedom Parade” notified the KeralaHigh Court that PFI was “a resurrection of the banned outfit Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) in another form.” Even though the High Court dismissed the Government’s stand, the ban was imposed by the State Government. In July 2010, the Kerala Police had recovered improvised explosive devices (IED), arms, CDs and documents containing Taliban and Al-Qaeda propagandafrom PFI activists. PFI, in its defence, regarded these raids by the police as “undemocratic” and “unconstitutional.” However, in raids conducted by the Kerala police on the PFI centres in North Kerala in April 2013, the police seized “lethal weapons, foreign currency, human shooting targets, bombs, explosive raw materials, gunpowder, swords, among other things”. The Kerala Police believed that the recovered evidence would be sufficient to unmask the “terror face” of the PFI.

Based on the reports shared by Intelligence agencies, PFI was involved in the 2011 Mumbai bombings, 2012 Pune bombings and 2013 Hyderabad blasts. These claims have been denied by the PFI.

In a video release of a PFI representative in an anti-CAA gathering in Calicut, the leader of the Front was heard saying “we will decide whether there should be peace in India or not.”

Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI),a political wing of the PFI has already garnered a significant following in Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. On the basis of the PFI’s campaign to provide “total empowerment” for Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis and other Hindu Backward classes, many organisations such as the Bhim Army have extended support to PFI.

While several law enforcement, intelligence agencies and state governments are in unison about the proscription of the PFI, the counter threats have come from Asom United Democratic Front (AUDF), Maulana Badruddin Ajmal, who have declared solidarity with the PFI. It is not surprising that many smaller groups and PFI affiliations have acted in solidarity with the PFI, condemning any action taken by the government to limit their propaganda.

With the cyber and psychological war waged against India by ISI and its coordinated affiliates, it is surprising that the call to ban PFI had not come sooner. The cadre strength of the PFI has not been precisely determined but it is certain that it is expanding. South India has become a hot bed for terror infestations from the land and sea borders.

India must deal firmly with PFI and it’s affiliates with a heavy hand and proscribe the organisation as a terror outfit, given the accelerated growth of a pan-India PFI and its affiliates. It seems to be part of a sinister programme of destabilisation in India and is trying to rope in all disgruntled elements within the Leftists, Khalistanis and Dalits to create a coalition of anti-national forces.

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